Melbourne Graduate School of Education - Theses
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ItemAnton Semyonovich Makarenko and collective education( 1978)The disruptions of war, civil war and famine hampered the optimistic reform program of the Bolshevik government in the decade after 1917. Often absorbed in protracted philosophical debate, they offered no firm policies to revitalize Russia's peasant-based agriculture or to stimulate the industrial growth necessary for national advancement. In education, an enthusiasm for the peasantry as the material out of which the new Soviet citizen would be created, promoted a diversity of experimental schools, including communes; while schemes for the eradication of illiteracy or the education of the hordes of homeless children were frequently supported by organizations like the secret police. However, when Stalin came to power, a sternly centralized policy relentlessly implemented nationally the necessary re-organization of agriculture through collectivization to foster industrial growth.Education, reverting to an academic bias, emphasised such desired virtues as obedience, enthusiasm for work and the subservience of the individual to the collective. Makarenko spent some years developing a collective education system for homeless children during the 1920's. As he records in The Road to Life, he was certain only of his aim - the Creation of the new man. As a pragmatist, he held his contemporary theoreticians in contempt, preferring to be guided in his experiment by intuition and expedient means in evolving a methodology. His romanticism attracted him into a lifelong friendship with Maxim Gorky, who later visited Makarenko's collective. There,agricultural labour eventually allowed industrial growth; and respect for authority, the subservience of individual interests to the collective will and an enthusiasm for work, were reinforced by its quasi-military environment. These elements understandably appealed to the secret police who supported Makarenko' s subsequent work at the Dzerzhinsky Colony after 1923. This sponsorship, his patronage by Gorky and the fortunate coincidence of his principles with the stated policies of Stalin brought Anton Semyonovich Makarenko from comparative obscurity to pre-eminence by 1935.
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ItemResponses of government and Catholic educational authorities to the influx of migrants, 1950-1960, with special reference to the experience of a selected group of schools conducted by the Victorian Sisters of Mercy( 1977)local parish priest; the day-to-day education was left completely to those dedicated religious and their lay assistants who faced the challenge with resolute courage. One such group of religious were the Sisters of Mercy. A major focus of this study is their efforts in the field of migrant education with special reference to three schools for which they mere responsible. With neither the time nor expertise to develop a specific philosophy of migrant education they relied on traditional methods of classroom teaching - methods in which they had fortunately been well-grounded. The effect of such teaching can be partially gauged from the responses of one hundred of their students.
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ItemAn appraisal of "The educational recommendations of the World Bank Mission Report on Papua New Guinea, 1964-74"( 1979)It is difficult to generalize about a varied and fragmented country like Papua New Guinea, with its varied and fragmented population. This large island with its forbidding terrain, tropical climate and luxuriant flora have combined to make it a retreat for successive and often hostile primitive groups. Despite all of this, of necessity, one is forced to generalize about both the country and its inhabitants, and thus largely ignore the above complexities. Consequently this thesis examines in a global manner the enormously difficult task of bringing Western-education to approximately two million indigenous New Guineans as part of an economic plan that was aimed at developing the country in the mid 1960's. In fact the explicit purpose of the thesis is to appraise the educational recommendations of the World Bank Mission's Report on Papua New Guinea in 1964, and as they related to the ensuing decade. As a prelude to this, and largely to provide the historical perspective in which the World Bank made its report, a great deal of background data on political and educational developments in New Guinea is included. Then the explicit educational recommendations of the Mission are highlighted using a sectoral approach. Finally the apparent outcomes are examined, and the educational achievements of the early 1970's are contrasted with the planned projections made by the Mission in 1964. A further aspect that should add to the validity of the appraisal of the World Bank Mission's recommendations, is a critique on the overall nature and basis of the Report. Thus although it is conceded that the World Bank's Report was primarily the result of an economic mission it is also argued that its plan for development provided vital direction and impetus to education in Papua New Guinea. Now despite the relatively naive economic thinking that surrounded the World Bank in the 1960's the Mission's report was a fundamental planning document that recognised that the education system required a complete restructuring to develop mid and higher level manpower to facilitate the growth process. As such the World Bank Report can be deemed to have been a most significant catalytic influence that was of vital evolving importance to Papua and New Guinea's development, especially from 1964 to 1968 and probably until the early 1970's.
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ItemSome conceptual problems in curriculum integration( 1977)In recent years, integrative curricula have been introduced into many Victorian secondary schools. Integration within these curricula may occur in a number of areas, such as integration of different races or different age groups, but the area with which I am concerned is the actual content of the curriculum and integration here involves the combination of two or more traditional subjects on the basis of some supposedly common factor. The arguments advanced by integrationists to justify such integration frequently relate to sociological or psychological consequences of such courses rather than to philosophical analysis of the common factors on the basis of which integration of knowledge is possible at all. Philosophical analysis of the basis for integration involves examination of the nature of knowledge. Curricula which are completely integrative in that no subject divisions are maintained seem to be based upon the assumption that knowledge is unified in some way. The unification may result from the existence of a common object with which knowledge is concerned, e.g., 'the universe,' or from some integrative power in the learner's consciousness or may be due to the existence of some coherent system. Each of these possibilities presents problems. This may account in part for the fact that most integrative curricula are only partially so. That is, some areas of knowledge are maintained as separate subjects. However, the subjects which are separate and the combinations of other subject areas vary from school to school which suggests either that the organizations of knowledge are merely matters of convenience or that there are several different valid bases for integration. Common subject matter, common methods . of enquiry and use of common subject areas seem to be three bases, but determination of their validity requires examination of knowledge at a conceptual level. It is exponents of the Forms of Knowledge thesis, rather than integrationists, who have undertaken such examination. The Forms of Knowledge thesis purports to show that there are certain necessary divisions in knowledge on the basis of differences in concepts and their relations, truth criteria and methods of acquiring knowledge. The arguments of P. H. H irst on this matter present some difficulties, but I feel logical distinctions within knowledge can be drawn, particularly on the basis of two types of categoreal concepts - relational and foundational. If these distinctions are accepted then it can be seen that integration of knowledge can proceed on three different levels - logical, structural and material - and recognition of this fact may assist in determining the exact nature of different integrative curricula and in seeking justification for them.
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ItemSchools and teacher training in the Veneto (Italy) 1815-1870( 1974)Education in the Veneto (also known as Venezia Euganea) was given, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, mainly by religious Orders of both sexes. Little was done for the mass of the people. The most famous order was the Society of Jesus (Jesuits), principally concerned with secondary and university education. The teachers in this Order had to complete the rigorous course of the inferior colleges (corresponding to the later gymnasiums and lyceums) and the superior course (corresponding to university level). Those permanent teachers whose task it was to train other teachers had to complete even further university level studies. Uniformity of teaching techniques and methods was part of the Jesuit system. Under the guidance of experienced teachers the student received a thorough training in these techniques and methods. When the Jesuits were expelled in 1773 Gasparo Gozzi was given the task of planning reforms, but little change occurred. From 1805 to 1814 the Veneto became part of the Italic Kingdom set up by Napoleon. Various decrees sought to improve the quality of education and teaching but as these were mainly communal responsibilities they remained mainly in the hands of private institutions and religious orders. However, all teachers were required to make an oath of loyalty to the King (Napoleon) and provisions were made for the training of teachers for State Schools. The training took place either in selected major elementary schools (a three month course) or in normal schools (a six month course). When Austria returned to the Veneto it set up a state school system modelled on that of Austria itself. The teacher was confined to a rigidly prescribed curriculum and his work was closely supervised by an inspectorial system. Major difficulties arose in providing sufficient schools, trained teachers and enforcing the compulsory education provisions. Austria continued and extended the provisions for elementary teacher training made during the Italic Kingdom. Detailed instructions were set out regarding syllabii and teacher duties and responsibilities. The teaching method favoured in the elementary schools was the "normal" method which was composed of four parts - the use of initial letters, the use of tables, the use of reading in unison and the use of interrogations. The Austrian model also served for secondary education. After elementary school the students proceeded onto either a gymnasium or a technical school. These technical schools provided more practical courses and taught modern languages in contrast to the gymnasium where purely classical (Latin and Greek) were offered. The government prescribed the subjects to be taught and the texts to be used in all government, communal and episcopal schools, at least until the Concordat, signed between the Church and Austria in 1855, when the Church was given a freer hand in this area. The Austrian government also restricted the independence of private institutions which had a long tradition in the Veneto. When the Veneto became part of the new Kingdom of Italy in 1866, the numbers of schools were increased in all areas and a re-organized system of teacher training was introduced.
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ItemChristian socialism and education: an analysis of Christian socialist thought with particular reference to education as represented in their journals Politics for the people, The Christian socialist and The Journal of association, 1848-1852( 1977)This thesis examines the theological, social and economic theories of Christian Socialism as expressed in the journals Politics for the People, The Christian Socialist, and The Journal of Association. Particular attention is paid to the type of education for which these theories formed the basis. To set the more detailed study in perspective, the thesis suggests some reasons for the appearance of Christian Socialism in mid nineteenth century England, and gives a brief history of the personalities and programmes in the movement. In his theology of hope, Frederick Denison Maurice, the acknowledged leader of the Christian Socialists, produced an idea which was fundamentally optimistic: the existence of a loving caring God gave man the courage to believe that he was not condemned to a mean and meaningless existence. The relationship of all men to God the Father was the basis of their views on economic reorganization which can only be described as socialist in a very loose sense of that word. The Christian Socialists brought to the questions of economic misery, crime and education a specific theological perspective. The idea that the actions of an individual may be attributable in part to his upbringing, his identification with a social class and its expectations, and the lack of hope which characterized so many of the English 'working-class of the time was not new to radicals such as Robert Owen but it was not an accepted attitude of the establishment whether legal or clerical. Nor was Maurice's theology generally accepted, even in the Church of England, of which he was a prominent member. The Christian Socialists advocated political and social reform. For enduring and basic improvement however, they looked to the improvement of the individual citizen through the development of his inherent physical, intellectual and spiritual qualities. Such an education they believed would create a society based on the principles of mutual respect and love, and as a consequence of that change, the contemporary society based upon destructive competition would be replaced by one based on constructive cooperative production. Their expectations of education, however praiseworthy, were largely unrealistic.
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ItemPayment by results as an innovation in Victorian education: with particular reference to the period 1868-1878( 1978)From 1863 to 1905 Victoria paid its teachers under the system of "payment by results". This system had been introduced in England by the Revised Code of 1862 and a version of it was adopted by the Victorian Board of Education in 1863. The essence of the system was that portion of a teacher's salary became directly dependent on the performance of his students in examinations. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the system of payment by results was an unjust system based on unsound principles and that it encouraged teachers to concentrate too much of their efforts on the teaching for "results". The outcome was an excess of mechanical teaching, of "cram" and of rote learning. The system was unsound in principle because it was not based on any proven theory of pedagogy, but was introduced in order to satisfy a desire for economy and efficiency. It was unjust because it was based on an unfounded lack of trust in Victoria's elementary school teachers - as evidenced by the results regulations and, indeed, by the whole concept of payment for "results". We will see that built into the results formula were various punitive clauses which operated to penalise teachers unfairly for factors over which they had little or no control. Furthermore, under this system teachers were to become the only servants of the State whose livelihood depended, to a certain extent, on the "results" they produced. With the Education Act of 1872, the Education Department of Victoria came into existence - replacing the old Board of Education - and it inherited, and continued to apply, the system of payment by results. Under the new Minister of Public Instruction, the Education Department continued to support the principle of payment for "results". However, from 1873 to 1878 - as evidenced by a study of the Minister's and Inspectors' reports to Parliament - we see emerging a greater willingness on the part of the Department to concede that there was a good deal of merit in the complaints of teachers, and some important concessions were made accordingly. In 1877, Charles Henry Pearson was appointed to conduct a one-man Royal Commission into education in Victoria and, while Pearson found certain faults with the system of payment by results, he still believed that it was correct in its principle and should be retained in order to ensure a continued diligent effort on the part of the teachers. Pearson did, however, make some important proposals. He recommended that less of a teacher's income should be dependent on the "results", and he favoured doing away with the punitive regulations relating to age and attendance. These proposals would, he believed, eliminate many of the problems relating to mechanical teaching, to "cram" and to rote learning. His proposals, however, were not put into effect, and we see that, while certain amendments were made to the results regulations, and various proposals put forward for its modification, the essential nature of the system of payment by results remained unchanged throughout the life of the Board of Education - and for the first six years of Departmental control.
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ItemAn evaluation of aspects of the proposition by Professor G.H. Bantock that "ultimately education both formal and informal is concerned with cultural transmission"( 1976)This thesis explores both the meaning and the application of. Bantock's assertion. Firstly, the notion of 'culture' is examined. I3antock identifies two common interpretations of the word: the anthropological and the Arnoldian 'pursuit of excellence.' He claims that his understanding is somewhere between the two. However, an analysis of his works shows that his thinking for education is far more identifiable with the Arnoldian idea of culture as what people should do, than it is with the anthropological notion that culture is what the people do. The meaning of I3antock's assertion about education's 'ultimate concern' is then examined with respect to his recommendations on curriculum. Bantock usefully distinguishes between 'cognitive' and 'affective' learning. Yet this distinction is not as sharp as one might expect: the criterion of the rational - or cognitive - as the arbiter limits his recommendations affecting curricula. If education is to be transmitted, this entails a discussion of how the transmission is to take place. �3sntack rejects 'discovery methods' as a mesas to transmit cultural values. The validity of his rejection is disputed both on the grounds of his failure to perceive the structure underlying discovery methods and the motivation of these methods. Transmission has to be undertaken by someone: thus, the role of school and not - school is examined, and the role of the teacher is explored. The former is affected by the whole area of the responsibility of the educator to his society; the latter is complicated by the fact, not explored by Bantock in any depth, that the teacher himself is necessarily involved in the wider community. lf cultural transmission is to be seen as the ultimate concern of education, then other claimants need to be described and assessed. The thesis examines the claims of self-realization, social improvement and social .usefulness, and proceeds to examine what claim cultural transmission knight have against other claims. The thesis examines the contribution which cultural transmission has over and against other claimants: its complementary nature, its sense of continuity with the past and for the future, and its dynamic spirit are explored. Finally, the thesis seeks to assess the contribution of G. H. Bantock to educational thinking. Negatively. there is a criticism of his failure to recognise the pluralistic nature of modern society, and his tendency to over-simplify the attitudes of those with whom he disagrees. But, positively, he does draw attention to the need for educational discourse to identify aims, his open-ness to a changing society, and his identification that the decisions affecting education are less and less in the hands of educators.
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ItemThe educational ideas of Walter Lippmann( 1973)Walter Lippmann was primarily not an educationalist but a political commentator and a writer of books on questions of political philosophy raised by the processes of American and international politics. His thought on education emerged from his deliberations and must be seen in their context. His writing career of over fifty years may be seen in terms of an evolving response to what he called "the acids of modernity". By this he meant the dissolution of the old traditional order, the rejection of the ideas of social and political hierarchy, the sacred authority of institutions, and out of this the development of more democratic, secular and human institutions and relationships. Prior to World War I he enthusiastically endorsed this process, but the experience of the War deeply affected his assumptions about the nature of man and ease with which society could be reshaped for the better. At first he attributed the malaise he saw to the inability of the people to gain access to the facts necessary for effective government. He moved on from this, in A Preface to Morals, to examine the basis for a morality which would enable the orderly functioning of a democratic society. During the 1930s he was mainly concerned with the economic issues of the New Deal, but in The Good Society he articulated what he saw to be the foundation stone of a democratic order - the rule of law based upon an appreciation of the essential dignity and inviolability of man. It seems clear from his writings that the fundamental issues which he raised were ontological in nature. However, because Lippmann was primarily concerned with sustaining the conditions of civility and freedom without returning to the belief systems which inspired them, he did not face the issue squarely. He developed a "civic theology" in The Public Philosophy having the show of truth necessary to sustain a political order rather than answers to the questions of the nature of truth and reality. The same evolution from optimistic progressivism to apprehensive conservatism is evident in Lippmann' s educational thought. Initially he argued that there were no fixed bodies of knowledge which should be passed on. Instead the curriculum should be shaped by the child's own needs and interests. But as he became pessimistic concerning the essential goodness of man and saw that the traditions of freedom and civility were being threatened, he trenchantly criticised the progressive movement for its failure to pass on the essential western culture through the assumptions, ideas, values and methods of the academic disciplines. Lippmann' s chief contribution was that he raised the central issues, but the value of his answers was weakened by his failure to face squarely the questions of the nature of reality and truth and how a free society could be based on that truth.