School of Social and Political Sciences - Theses
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ItemAustralian climate policy and diplomacy: the transition years, John Howard to Kevin Rudd( 2014)Benjamin Parr examined the climate policy discourses of the government and fossil fuel industry in Australia, and their relationship to climate diplomacy, during the period 2006-2009. The thesis argued that the shared government-industry discourse about protecting Australia’s industrial competitiveness has had a more decisive influence in shaping and legitimating Australian climate policy than the direct lobbying tactics of the fossil fuel industry, aka ‘the greenhouse mafia’; while the different foreign policy traditions of Australia’s major political parties - as alliance-focused versus internationalist - help to explain variation in domestic climate policy and climate diplomacy.
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ItemAntagonism, co-optation, fragmentation: unravelling the triple bind of green political struggle( 2014)Climate change represents the entry of the planet and its inhabitants into uncharted territory, but a meaningful collective response is elusive. This thesis seeks to unravel this political deadlock, in both senses: to trace its structural causes and to transcend it. It aims to trace and to advance the fortunes of ecologism as a political ideology. It approaches climate change as a problem of cultural politics, as a contest to define climate change, as it is the meaning of climate change that sets the parameters of what action can appropriately be taken. Part One employs discourse theory to analyse the formation and reproduction of environmental discourses, how they recruit subjects, and the conflicts between them. Chapter one examines the climate sceptic movements in the US and Australia. It goes beyond analysis of the material bases of these movements to explain how they exploit deep-seated imaginaries of nation and frontierism to corrupt rational deliberation. At the other end of the scale, leading climate nations spruik their green credentials. Yet by analysing the official climate discourse of Great Britain, chapter two reveals a co-optive strategy aimed not at ecological crisis but at the legitimation crisis it poses to key market and state institutions. A third feature of climate politics is the ‘silent majority’. Chapter three enumerates the unfulfilled conditions that keep certain citizens from engaging in climate politics, even when they accept the science. Part One concludes that ecologism, which seeks to reconcile ecology and society, is caught in a triple bind of antagonism, fragmentation, and co-optation that preserves the hegemonic order of growth- and consumerism-based capitalism. Part Two assesses possible ways to transcend the triple bind. Chapters four and five pursue the promise of an ecological subject, a collective agent that retains a kernel of autonomy from hegemonic discourse. It suggests such a subject does not exist behind or before discourse – as a primordial, pre-linguistic subject – but in the spaces between discourses, spaces that are not, as such, natural, but social. Chapter six further develops this argument. Enlisting the burgeoning ‘post-nature’ literature, it contends that an ecological subject, as liberatory social subject, is held back by the overarching category of Nature. Nature is implicated in the hegemony of capitalist modernity, and engenders a transcendent, ‘monotheistic’ planet immune to the damage humans inflict upon it. Finally, I turn to the strategic question of how Greens may negotiate the choice between radicalism – ‘pure’ but irrelevant – and the Faustian bargain of reform. Chapter seven contends that a third strategic alternative exists. It suggests that co-opted environmentalism can undermine the binaries that exclude its radical wing through a strategy of ‘subversive rearticulation’. Through a carefully orchestrated series of discursive pivots, subversive rearticulation can incrementally deflect, and ultimately unravel, the hegemonic logic of the triple bind.