School of Social and Political Sciences - Theses
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Item“The Age” on public affairs from 1861 to 1881( 1950)At the present, time, we may buy the Age in Melbourne every morning except Sunday for twopence. It enjoys the reputation for being a reliable newspaper, not sensationalist, and only using its largest headlines for some matter of real importance, not of just passing popular interest. Its leaders are serious, thoughtful, with a tendency to the left rather than to the right; but not expressing merely the views of any one political party. Once, the Age was the organ of change. It persistently opposed what it called the pretences of the wealthy - the squatters and the importers. It was a popular paper, pleading for the small man, to give him a place to live his own life and work for himself. Today, we may still find the same old tone, upholding the rights of the individual against the attempts of the large group, who threaten to absorb him. It no longer has the highest circulation among Melbourne papers. The tabloid press has outstripped it in that. I have looked at the Age in this earlier period to find out what it was like, and what it was saying. In this thesis I am trying to give an account of what the Age said about some important matters of public interest during the years 1861 to 1881. A newspaper, in giving the news and in reviewing it in articles, deals with many sides of the community's life. In order to bring the subject of this thesis within a reasonable compass, attention has been given to certain subjects only which happened to be dealt with by the Age in these years. These are the opening of the land in Victoria, the introduction of protective tariffs, and the struggle over a number of years between the lower and upper houses in the Victorian Parliament as constituted in 1854. Since the Age spoke most frankly and forcefully on these matters, some attempt will be made to estimate how much it influenced public opinion in these matters. (From Chapter 1)
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ItemAttitudes to Japan and defence, 1890-1923( 1956)No events of international consequences likely to bring Japan to Australia’s attention occurred before the Sino-Japanese war (1894-5). Japan had as yet shown no sign of her military power. Probably as far as Australians felt any insecurity, their anxieties centred on the expansion of European powers into the Pacific, the might of Russia and the Chinese hordes. In such conditions they were free to think of Japan chiefly as a country of cherry blossom and quaint people. Only the question of Japanese immigration which began to assume large proportions after about 1890 gave any basis for feelings of hostility.
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ItemResponsible government in Australia 1928-1951( 1952)Do party candidates for Parliament campaign upon reasonably clear and consistent policies? Does the winning party carry out its promises? To find answers to these questions is the main purpose of this study. The writer's thesis is that parties seeking a Parliamentary majority are generally responsible for presenting clear alternative policies and that the winning party is responsible to those voting for it for the implementation of its policies. There is also a responsibility of the opposition party to its supporters, as well as a less definite responsibility of each party to the whole electorate; but these aspects of the subject are not treated in detail. If this approach is valid, it follows that a system of government should encourage, rather than impede, the responsible functioning of the parties. Therefore Part I presents a brief description of the party system, the structure of government and the extent of legislative power. Parts II and III cover the operation of the electoral system and the vital question of party promise and performance. It should be noted that the term responsible will be used in two different ways. First, the term responsible cabinet government will be used where the writer is referring to the arrangement whereby a cabinet is responsible to the popular house, and continues to govern only if supported by a majority of the house members. Second, the term responsible party politics will be used with the broader meaning of parties responsible to the electorate, as summarized above. Ideally, at least, responsible parties should function best where the government has maximum powers to deal with political problems with minimum interference from the structure of the system. Thus it might be expected that severe limits on legislative powers would restrict the scope of government activity and thereby limit the choice of party programs. Similarly, the presence of structural checks, such as an upper house, independent state governments, or courts which can invalidate government policy, may retard or confuse the solution of political problems. But the growth of responsible parties may be influenced by other factors of an economic, historical or geographical character. In Australia, for example, the existence of a strong trade union movement by 1900 provided the basis for the growth of a strong Labor party. Indeed, responsible parties have developed in spite of considerable limitations of the kinds already mentioned. Thus Australian politics offers the possibility of studying responsible parties working under difficult conditions.
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ItemVictorian railway policy, 1850-1883( 1952)Introduction: In this thesis my aim is to present a clear outline – a narrative account – of the early history of Victorian Railway Policy, concerning the Railways as government department and the later change to statutory corporation. But in doing so, my aim is to suggest the main reasons, together with their degree of importance, for this particular sequence of events that is the beginning and most important part of Railway History. These reasons are intended to be brought out and substantiated by a significant selection of political evidence. They can be no more than suggested, however, because this evidence is confined mainly to Parliamentary documents, contemporary political writings and fairly inadequate secondary source histories. It is political evidence, rather arbitrarily defined, and therefore does not extend, for example, to the favourable or unfavourable condition of the London money market at certain times and its effects on railway policy. Nor in another direction, does it extend sufficiently to the power and influence of local pressure groups, which, together with the charges of corruption that are so often put forward as reasons for particular lines of railway, must be among the most difficult matters to investigate, gauge and verify in this subject – which is made enormous by ramifications of that kind. Nevertheless, there will be, I hope, considerable value in the disentangling and enumerating of such reasons as are plausibly given for the change and development of railway policy. They might perhaps provide interesting information about the political climate of the time, but I think they would be far more usefully employed if they were to be compared with the apparent reasons behind other public utility policies, and , especially, with the principles introducing and governing the recent British Nationalization statutes.
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ItemThe Australian Federal Labour Party 1900-1905( 1959)In the ten years before the proclamation of the Commonwealth on 1st January, 1901, Labour Parties established themselves firmly in the colonial parliaments of New South Wales, Queensland and South Australia and began to exert and influence on legislative programmes which had hitherto been prepared with little regard for the interests of the workers. In Victoria the Labour Party founded in 1892 developed more slowly, and in Western Australia and Tasmania unionists were still engaged in establishing permanent political organisations in the late ‘nineties, but throughout Australia it was clear by federation that the representatives of organised Labour were to be a permanent feature of the parliamentary scene.
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ItemThe organisation of the Australian Labor Party 1916-1941( 1954)This study is an attempt to describe the organisational development of the Australian Labor Party between 1916 and 1941, a transitional period for the party, lying between its two great periods of parliamentary success, 1910-16 and 1941-49. Few Labor achievements marked the intervening twenty five years. Except in Queensland, Labor governments were usually of short duration, and frequently ended in disruption and disaster. Yet it was not an era of unqualified decline, for at its conclusion the party was in a position to begin its longest and perhaps its most fruitful period of political supremacy.