School of Social and Political Sciences - Theses
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ItemThe women on the hill : an ethnographic study of deinstitutionalization(University of Melbourne, 1995)
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ItemBlue army: paramilitary policing in Victoria( 1998)This thesis focuses on the changes to law enforcement precipitated by the establishment of counter terrorist squads within State police forces during the late 1970's. It looks at the impact of Victoria's specialist counter terrorist squad, the Special Operations Group (SOG), on policing in Victoria and asks whether the group has led to the development of a more 'military based' approach to policing. The research demonstrates that the SOG has been the harbinger of more military styles of policing involving high levels of confrontation, more lethal weapons and a greater range of weapons and more frequent recourse to deadly force. The establishment of groups like the SOG has also undermined Australia's democratic traditions by blurring the boundaries between the police and military and weakening the safeguards which have in then past prevented military force being used against citizens. The SOG has acted as a vanguard group within Victoria police, anticipating and leading progress towards a range of new military-style tactics and weapons. The SOG, although relatively small in number,, has had a marked influence on the tactics and operations of police throughout the force. The group was never contained to dealing with only terrorist incidents but instead used for a range of more traditional police duties. While terrorism has remained rare in Australia the SOG has nevertheless expanded in size and role. Because the SOG is considered elite and because the SOG are frequently temporarily seconded to other areas of policing, SOG members provide a role for other police and have the opportunity to introduce parliamentary tactics into an extended range of police duties. The parliamentary skills developed by the SOG have been passes on to ordinary police through training programs headed by former SOG officers. In addition, the group has effectively been used as a testing ground for new weapons. The structure of the Victoria Police Protective Security Group and the way public demonstrations and industrial disputes are viewed in police and security circles ensure that parliamentary counter terrorist tactics will be used to stifle dissent and protest. The move towards paramilitary policing is necessarily a move away from the police mandate to protect life, keep the peace and use only minimum force. The interrogation of SOG and SOG tactics into everyday policing has occurred without any public debate or recognition of the important democratic traditions that have ensured that military force is not used against citizens except in the most extreme circumstances. Although the SOG is not formally part of the military it is nevertheless a significant parliamentary force virtually indistinguishable in terms of the weapons and levels of force at its disposal from the military proper.
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ItemImagining the Australian nation: settler-nationalism and aboriginality( 1999-11)The thesis examines different forms of Australian setter-nationalism, and their impact upon settler/indigenous relations. I examine the way that the development of specific forms of settler national consciousness has influenced the treatment of, thought about, and feeling towards the indigenous as a people or peoples. I claim that discourses of the nation operate, in an ongoing way, as shaping forces in everyday and public policy responses to the collective situation of Australia's indigenous peoples, and to the perception of their place in Australian society. The first part of the thesis provides a theoretical framework for understanding Australian settler-nationalism, drawing upon major theories of nationalism, postcolonialism and psychoanalysis. I provide a historical and political analysis of white Australian nationalism, emphasising its racist underpinnings, and its influence upon governmental policies of biological absorption and assimilation. The second part of the thesis analyses relations between settler Australia and indigenous peoples from the 1960s to the present. Drawing upon psychoanalysis, especially that of the British object-relations school pioneered by Melanie Klein, and many contemporary discourses of the nation, I develop an account of two specific modes of settler-nationalism, which I term assimilationist and indigenising. I examine the way that these different modes have influenced and shaped public debates on Aboriginal land rights and the movement for Aboriginal Reconciliation. The major political phases studied include: the events leading up to and surrounding the passing of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976; the Hawke Labor Government’s attempt, between 1983 and 1986, to introduce national Aboriginal land rights legislation; what can be broadly characterised as the period “after Mabo”, including the political activity stirred by the High Court’s historic Mabo decision of 1992, the passing of the Native Title Act 1993, the Wik decision of 1996, the rise of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party, and the Native Title Amendment Act 1997; and the period of the Government process of Aboriginal Reconciliation from 1991 to the present.
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ItemGreening the Commonwealth: the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996( 1998-07)Between 1983 and 1996, the environment emerged to become a major political issue in Australia to which a series of national public policy decisions was directed. In examining these policies, this thesis argues that the association of environmentalism with the politics of policy-making reflected the primary role played by the Australian Labor Party as the major political party in Government at that time. It reflected the Labor Government’s primary role in determining the nature and direction of the debate between 1983 and 1996. Of particular importance was a period in which the Labor Government sought to undertake institutional innovation in order to contain the environmental debate within the institutionalised policy-making process - a period described here as the ‘Accordist’; phase of Labor’s management of the environmental debate. The thesis challenges theoretical approaches that argue that relations between social democratic trade union based parties and the environmental movement have the potential to tend toward mutual antagonism. It also challenges the argument that environmentalism, as a manifestation of the ‘new politics’, necessarily involves a qualitative transformation of politics associated with new social movements. Rather, the thesis argues that the debate in Australia went beyond simply addressing controversial specific issues when they arose, to instead become an examination of the capacity for agencies and departments to incorporate environmental values into their decision-making, and about ways in which competing interest group demands could be reconciled through newly created government-led forums. (For complete abstract open document)
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ItemSecurity in the hospitality industry( 1995-10)Problems and perceptions of crime and security have grown dramatically in recent decades. Organisations feel the need to protect their investment, their employees and the general public from crime. There are not sufficient public police to provide adequate response and protection to businesses; therefore, private security agents have grown in number as a response to this perceived need. This thesis examines private security and surveillance in the hotel industry. There is a general introduction to contemporary security issues in society. The specific nature of these problems is examined within the context of the hotel industry. These issues are analysed in relationship to recent scholarly literature. Since so little has been written about problems of security in the hotel industry, it was decided to conduct in-depth interviews, using multiple case studies and field observations. The thesis examines issues of security in seven major hotels in Australia. Although there are many alternative ways that security can be organised, this thesis examines the application of a differentiated model of security as contrasted to an imbedded model in which all employees are involved with security procedures.
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ItemGlobalisation of the pharmaceutical industry and the Australian state: the transformation of a policy network( 1997)Processes of rationalisation and restructuring within the international drug industry in the past decade have altered the conditions for governance of Australia’s pharmaceutical sector. This thesis demonstrates that the balance of power within the domestic policy network shifted to favour multinational suppliers of prescription drugs after the Government in the late 1980s embraced the objective of making the regulatory and policy environment more user-friendly. The emphasis of state activities has moved away from welfare and public interest objectives towards provision of direct support for capital accumulation under conditions of globalising capitalism. The domain of pharmaceutical policy was historically characterised by corporatist bargaining between strong regulatory agencies within the Commonwealth Department of Health and centralised associations representing producer and professional interests. Following recent reform of these agencies and a reordering of their relative authority, the pattern of interaction within the policy network has become more open and politicised, with more active participation of groups representing consumers, patients and the research and development (R&D) community. Conversely, the capacity of Australian state agencies to manage and control sectoral change has diminished. A greater degree of pluralism at the level of interaction between the state of interest groups has evolved within the context of the principal trend towards marketisation and commodification within the drug sector. These conclusions arise from the empirical analysis of developments in the international pharmaceutical industry, including the formation of a transnational regulatory regime, and changes in domestic policy and regulatory practices. The thesis traces the ascendance of governance through the market mechanism at the expense of direct state control or corporatist bargaining. The investigation gives particular attention to: the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme; the Pharmaceutical Industry Development Program introduced in 1987, notably the Factor (f) scheme (which provides notional drug price increases in exchange for expanded industry activity); and the politics of brand substitution and generic drugs. It is shown that the Australian Government in the period under consideration, irrespective of party political composition, has pursued purposefully a policy of international integration derived from an acceptance of the imperative of retaining and attracting foreign capital. While the Factor (f) program as designed to sustain bargaining between the state and the multinational industry, it is demonstrated that the Department of Industry proved unable to maintain and generate support for strategically oriented industry policy. The changes identified and analysed in this thesis are consistent with the hypothesis of a hollowing out of the state associated with the decline of the Fordist model of accumulation and the Keynesian welfare state. A feature of this transition is the subordination of social policy to the imperatives of innovation, flexibility and international competitiveness.
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ItemLenin's conception of the party: organisational expression of an interventionist Marxism( 1999-06)The relationship between party organisation, class consciousness and workers’ struggle has been a basic issue in Marxism since its foundation, and particularly since the rise of revisionism at the end of the last century. To the very limited that a “mainstream” literature on Lenin sought to locate him within the Marxist tradition that tradition was identified with a determinist interpretation of Marx developed by the revisionists and centrists. This approach has been countered by a generally sympathetic view of Lenin’s comments on party organisation, argued by a recent set of “critics” of the “mainstream” view. Yet despite their wish to make a comprehensive critique of the “mainstream”, most of the critics have failed to do so due a residual element of determinism in their understanding of the relation between workers’ struggle and the development of class consciousness.This thesis seeks to complete the critique of the “mainstream” through establishing the role of conscious intervention in realising the material possibilities for workers’ struggle. It does so through a case study of the labour movement in St. Petersburg between the “Emancipation” of 1861 and the “Stolypin Coup” of 3/6/1907. A pivotal point in the development of this movement was “Bloody Sunday” (9/1/1905), and the thesis is structured around that moment to show what changes, as well as what does not change, in the role of conscious intervention in periods of mass struggle relative to times of more limited protest.
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ItemPunishment and crime: guilt and grandiosity in the life of Ronald Ryan( 1999)This thesis examines the life and crimes of Ronald Joseph Ryan, the condemned man at the centre of the most politically divisive capital punishment case in Australia's history and the last man judicially executed in Australia. Ryan was born Ronald Edmond Thompson in Melbourne in February 1925, the son of impoverished working class parents. His father was a violent, alcoholic miner crippled by miners' phthisis and his mother (who, at the time of the birth, was married to another man) was an alcoholic and sometime prostitute. Ryan's childhood was characterised by early traumatic deprivation, parental abuse and neglect. Following a petty theft at age 11, Ryan was removed from his parents and, by court order, made a ward of state and placed in custodial care at an institution for "wayward and neglected' boys. He absconded from his wardship at age 14 and joined his half-brother, later travelling to Balranald, N.S.W., where he worked as a timber-cutter. The period from age 15 to his mid-20s were relatively productive and law-abiding - he was married in 1950 - but aspects of his personality also became more obvious: his gambling compulsion and certain obsessive compulsive behavioural traits. In 1953, now back in Victoria, Ryan was involved in arson of his rented family home in order to claim insurance monies, although he was subsequently acquitted of the offence. Beginning in 1956, a string of forging and "break-and-enter' offences ensued. When arrested Ryan typically confessed, and later court appearances led to his first brief imprisonment for theft in 1956. Further breaking offences followed in 1959 and 1960, in a period in which he was virtually a professional criminal, and he was eventually prosecuted, convicted and sentenced to 8 ½ years imprisonment. While in prison Ryan appeared strongly motivated toward rehabilitation, successfully undertaking further education. He was regarded by prison authorities as an outstanding, high-achieving model prisoner. Released after serving 3 years, Ryan quickly returned to crime, however, and his offences at times involved violence. A series of shop- and factory-breakings and safe-blowings between 1963 and 1964 saw him convicted and returned to prison for 8 years. In 1965 he escaped from Pentridge prison in Melbourne, during which he shot and killed a pursuing prison officer. Following his recapture, Ryan and his co-escapee, Peter Walker, were tried in the Victorian Supreme Court. Ryan was convicted of murder and Walker convicted of manslaughter. Despite exhaustive legal appeals and unprecedented media and community opposition, Ryan's death sentence was not commuted by the Victorian Cabinet and he was hanged on 3 February 1967. Utilising archival records, primary sources and extensive interviews with his family and contemporaries, the thesis presents a biographical account of Ryan's life. It documents the social conditions of Ryan's childhood and institutionalisation and his later criminal and prison history, but more particularly it seeks - through the evidence of his behaviour and his writings - to elucidate his inner life as a way of understanding the contradictions between Ryan as model prisoner and ambitious professional criminal. The thesis advances a hypothesis about Ryan's criminal personality: grandiose in his phantasied criminal role, a prisoner to obsessive rituals and compulsive gambling for much of his life, driven by a compulsion to confess to his crimes, and prone to hero phantasies and acts of rescue and reparation. Drawing on psychoanalytic theory, the thesis explores the extent to which Ryan's criminality can be understood as an expression of his unconscious wish for punishment, as derived 'from a sense of guilt' , and shaped by his narcissistic grandiosity.
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ItemMoral reform organisations in Australian: a political response to the sexual revolution( 1997)The 1960s and 1970s were a period of profound social change in Australia and throughout the Western world. One of the most obvious manifestations of cultural upheaval was the so-called 'sexual revolution', whereby several formerly tabooed behaviours including abortion, homosexual practices and the sale of pornography were publicly debated and progressively legalised. Governments which had previously supported traditional Christian standards of sexual morality suddenly seemed powerless to prevent the changes, and even encouraged some of them by actions such as the liberalisation of divorce and censorship laws. The denominational churches were deeply divided over many of these developments and failed to mount an effective campaign against them. Many conservative Christians, both Protestant and Catholic, were deeply disturbed by the advent of the 'permissive society', and banded together in voluntary organisations independent of ecclesiastical control in an attempt to save what was left of the old 'Christian' social order, to alter public attitudes and to reverse the legal changes which had already occurred. Among the better-known groups are the Australian Festival of Light, the Society to Outlaw Pornography and the Right to Life Association. Guided by outspoken leaders such as Fred Nile and Margaret Tighe, these bodies participate actively in politics and their opinions are frequently sought by the media on a wide range of public issues, from prostitution to in vitro fertilisation. Moral reform organisations of this kind have existed in Britain since the seventeenth century and in America since the early 1800s, but were comparative rarities in Australia until 25 years ago. While they have made little tangible impact on the increasingly secularised culture of this country - owing to their limited resource base and the sheer immensity of their actual target (namely, modernisation) - they are able to exert a degree of leverage in certain political contexts e.g. when parliaments are debating the abortion issue. Also, despite their distaste for major aspects of the modern world, many groups employ the language and technology of modernity in ways designed to enhance their prospects of success.
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ItemConservative radicals: Australian neoconservatism and its intellectual antecedents( 1989)This study charts the rise of Australian neoconservatism. With reference to a range of influences which coalesced in the journal Quadrant, it is argued that the genesis of a new intellectual conservatism had its origins in the decade of the 1950s, and that it has reached its culmination in the contemporary phenomenon of neoconservatism. Correspondingly, it is contended that recognition of this evolution reveals the longstanding inadequacies of depictions of 'the right' in this country, and the wider implications of this for Australian critique. A preliminary chapter discusses the shortcomings of conceptual approaches to the topic of Australian conservatism, and indicates the ways in which they are challenged by the neoconservative evolution. Part I considers the components of an informal alliance which crystallized in the 1950s, gravitated towards the journal Quadrant, and lay the foundations for a new conservatism. It is argued that despite their disparity, important common ground existed between a Jewish-European component of Australian society, a Catholic component, and a group influenced by Sydney philosopher John Anderson. A focus on founding Quadrant editor James McAuley completes this discussion of neoconservative antecedents, and highlights both the commonality and diversity of sources from which the new conservatism would emerge. Part II traces the evolution of neoconservative critique with reference to some of its central and recurrent themes. It is shown that neoconservative concerns were prefigured in the early Cold War period, and that these have been heightened and amplified in the light of ensuing developments. Such themes include the depiction of a 'new class' within society, and the rise of an 'adversary culture'; both of which were given impetus by developments of the 1960s. Exploration of the continuity and character of this evolving critique also underlines the inadequacy of critical approaches to it. In this way, it is shown that the emergence of Australian neoconservatism simultaneously demands reappraisal of the ways in which Australian intellectual traditions are conceptualized.