School of Social and Political Sciences - Theses
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ItemPolitical economy of electoral systems: electoral disproportionality, its measurement and its effect on economic inequality in democracies( 2019)Political parties represent social classes with conflicting interests. Electoral systems have direct and indirect consequences for the parties’ access to the decision-making power. A major outcome of the distribution of political power among parties is the distribution of economic resources between competing social groups. Contributing to a growing body of empirical work on the fiscal outcomes of the electoral systems, this study examines the nature of the relationship between the electoral systems and the level of economic inequality in representative democracies. This question is examined through cross-country comparisons on a global scale using cross-sectional and longitudinal data and various statistical methods. This study uses ‘electoral disproportionality’ as a widely-popularized continuous metric to distinguish between electoral systems. Electoral disproportionality maybe broadly defined as the deviation of the post-election party seat-shares in a parliament and the pre-election composition of the party preferences of the voting age population. As its first major step, this study proposes a new index (called 𝐷a for measuring electoral disproportionality to addresses certain disadvantages of the existing indices. In real elections, parties adjust their campaign strategies in part in anticipation of the implications of the electoral rules for their chance of success. Similarly, citizens tactically adjust their voting decisions to maximize the impact of their vote or choose not to vote at all. Commonly, electoral disproportionality is calculated empirically using the outcomes of the past elections. However, due to the behavioural adjustments of the parties and voters, the use of election data often results in an overestimation or underestimation of electoral disproportionality. To eschew the adverse effect of behavioural adjustments on the measurement of electoral disproportionality, this study, as its second major step, introduces and operationalises the novel concept of systemic electoral disproportionality. It also develops a methodology based on computer simulation for the measurement of systemic disproportionality. This measurement technique, offers the capability to decompose systemic electoral disproportionality between the various components of an electoral system (districting, electoral formula, thresholds, etc.). At its third major step, using the proposed measurement technique and index, this research, for the first time, produces data on the current level of systemic electoral disproportionality in 92 democracies around the world. Finally, and as its fourth major step, this research uses the generated dataset of systemic electoral disproportionality in several statistical modellings covering the period 1978 to 2015 to study the relationship between the electoral systems and income inequality. OLS, fixedeffects and between effects regression models are utilized to test the hypotheses. Results of the worldwide cross-country comparisons indicate that increase in systemic electoral disproportionality does not aggravate the level of net income inequality per se. Instead, as democracies mature, the level of systemic electoral disproportionality aligns with the level of diversification of the party system. The latter is shown to be in relationship with cross-country variation in the level of inequality of the disposable income. Findings emphasize the role of party diversification as a causal nexus between the type of the electoral system and the level of economic inequality.
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ItemThe new politics of old ideas: A comparative study of welfare state reform in Sweden and the United States( 2017)This study seeks to explain why governments engage in welfare state reform, despite apparent risks, and why they sometimes do so contrary to policy regime type. In so doing, it advances our understanding of the role played by ideas in welfare reform. The study argues that persistent policy problems, described as functional pressure, provide opportunities for ideationally motivated leaders to engage in reform. This pressure allows for the return of previously dormant, non- viable or unsuccessful ideas as alternatives to the status quo. Drawing upon literature on institutions, policy change and decision theory, a distinctive account of reform is developed and then tested through the close analysis of four case studies, from two distinctive welfare systems: Sweden and the United States. In health care, it compares the development of the US Affordable Care Act (popularly known as “Obamacare”), with Sweden’s 2009 vårdval (patient choice) reform in primary care. For pensions, the cases are Sweden’s replacement of its national pension scheme, completed in 1998 and the similar, but failed effort to partly privatise Social Security, led by President Bush in 2005. Ideas are found to play important roles in delegitimising the status quo and providing persuasive links between problem and solution, especially under conditions of uncertainty. However, the causal effects of ideas are mediated by material and perceived institutional and policy constraints. These constraints necessitate bricolage, the piecing together and reframing of existing solutions to fit the political and policy circumstances, as well as learning from previous failures. The analysis of the case studies suggests that in the long-term, innovation through bricolage may spur unexpected bouts of reform. The study therefore challenges the dominant view of the welfare state as highly change resistant. It appears that policy problems will continue to provide opportunities for reform-minded actors to implement long-held ideas, especially if they are able to engage successfully in strategic learning. Although developed welfare states are unlikely to move radically away from established regime types in one fell swoop, this study makes clear that there is significant room for continued evolution and hybridisation, even in “exceptional” welfare states.
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ItemExamining the link between democracy and inclusive economic growth in Southeast Asia( 2017)Embedded in all our assumptions and hopes for democracy is the belief that a democratic system will make life better, economically and socially, for its citizens. Given this almost universal assumption it is surprising how little we really know about the impact of democratisation upon the welfare of citizens and the variables linking the two. This thesis investigates the impact of democracy on Inclusive Economic Growth, and mainly questioning: “Does democracy matter in the delivery of larger and more effective social policies that improve inclusive economic growth? ”The four cases selected to empirically analyse the relationship among the three variables (democracy, social policy, and inclusive economic growth) are Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. The finding is social policy is one of the potential variables linking the two; especially when the development of democratic institution run stably and the vast majority of the people support it. In other words, social policy becomes an important variable to test the link between democracy and inclusive economic growth.
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ItemTaking Indigenous culture into account: a critical analysis of an early childhood education program for disadvantaged families( 2016)Early childhood education and care (ECEC) has gained significant policy attention in Australia as a key to closing the Indigenous education gap prior to the commencement of formal schooling. Yet, Indigenous Australians still attend formal ECEC at lower rates than their non-Indigenous peers. The Home Instruction Program for Parents and Youngsters (HIPPY) is a combined home and centre based ECEC program that works with disadvantaged children and families (including Indigenous Australians) to prepare children for their first year of school. The HIPPY Australia program teaches parents how to be their child’s first educator through the provision of structured educational activity packs that parents undertake with their child over a two year period. Using a mixed methods approach combining content and critical discourse analysis, this research critically analysed the compatibility of HIPPY with Indigenous Australians. Quantitatively, this thesis examines the extent to which the forty-five HIPPY Australia activity packs aligned with traditional Indigenous learning approaches. Qualitatively, cultural compatibility was analysed by examining the assumptions about Indigenous parents and families implicitly inherent in the HIPPY Australia activity packs. It was found that the four and five year old HIPPY Australia activity packs had minimal alignment with Indigenous Australian learning approaches and favoured the use of particular Indigenous learning approaches over others. The critical discourse analysis of the HIPPY program highlighted the manner in which the program privileges Western knowledges over Indigenous knowledges. In this way, the HIPPY program is used as a social policy intervention tool to correct the undesirable behaviours of Indigenous parents and families who do not adhere to Western educational and parenting norms. Deficit-based assumptions regarding the knowledge and skills that disadvantaged families brought to the HIPPY program were also found to be prevalent which limited parent autonomy in educating their children. The findings have implications for engaging Indigenous parents, children and communities in the HIPPY program. In order to improve the cultural compatibility of HIPPY with Indigenous Australians, the HIPPY program should be tailored to local Indigenous contexts through a participatory, community-based approach. This would enable local Indigenous communities to exercise self-determination through the adaptation of the HIPPY program to suit their needs. Future research should focus on obtaining Indigenous parents’ and communities’ views regarding the cultural compatibility of the HIPPY program with Indigenous Australians.
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ItemCritical reflections on how research design and the attributes of a music program can affect investigations of the psychosocial wellbeing benefits of musical participation in mainstream schools( 2015)This project explores the challenges of investigating the psychosocial wellbeing benefits of musical participation in mainstream schools. For a decade, Australian policy literature has claimed these benefits are to be expected outcomes of all students’ participation in school music programs (Australian Government, 2005). Despite these claims, there is little to no consistent evidence supporting a link between musical participation and psychosocial wellbeing in this context (Grimmett, Rickard, Gill, & Murphy, 2010; Rickard, Bambrick, & Gill, 2012). The reason for this inconsistency has been linked to both the research designs and methods used (Knox Anderson & Rickard, 2007), as well as the nature of musical participation investigated (Darrow, Novak, Swedberg, Horton, & Rice, 2009). Despite the identification of these limitations, researchers have continued to use designs that contain them. This can be attributed to a lack of critical engagement with approaches to research in this field, including assumptions about the efficacy of certain research methods, and the capacity for generic school music programs to promote wellbeing. This lack of critical engagement appears to account for the enduring inconsistency of findings in this area. This thesis aims to address this lack of engagement by critically appraising the research approaches used in two small studies that aimed to demonstrate the psychosocial wellbeing benefits of school-based music programs. This was achieved by undertaking two critical reflection analyses on the methods, designs, and contexts of each study, as well as the attributes of the music programs investigated. The first of these identified a number of important research challenges related to the research methods and designs used. Among other things, these findings challenge the assumption that self-report surveys are a valid way of collecting data from students. The second analysis identified a number of music program attributes that are likely to inhibit the reporting of positive results. For example, findings suggest music education programs are unsuited to promoting psychosocial wellbeing. Based on these findings, this dissertation makes a number of recommendations for the design of future studies in this area. It is argued that research following these recommendations is crucial for this field. This is both to develop a richer understanding of the relationship between music in schools and psychosocial wellbeing, and to produce reliable evidence that is better placed to inform relevant policy. It is further argued that without such evidence, policymakers may continue to make uninformed claims regarding the link between music in schools and psychosocial wellbeing. In turn, this has the potential to destabilise policy support for music in Australian schools. Finally, this thesis calls on researchers in this field, and others, to critically engage with the way that knowledge is created. It is maintained that such engagement is the responsibility of all researchers in the social sciences, and that only when this occurs can we claim the knowledge we generate is meaningful, and serving the communities we investigate.
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ItemSocial regulation,reproductive technology and the public interest: policy and process in pioneering jurisdictions( 2004-04)In the last three decades regulation as a public policy instrument has developed from a tool to manage markets to a means for government to offer protection or impose boundaries in areas associated with social and moral issues. Social regulatory mechanisms are broad, and have as their justification the public interest. It is one response by governments to the development of reproductive technologies. (For complete abstract open document)
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ItemGrassroots to government: social policy reform & the social determinants of health in Australia( 2013)Public health is increasingly concerned with addressing the ‘social determinants of health’ (SDoH). These are social factors such as employment and housing that drive health outcomes. Despite widespread agreement that addressing SDoH is crucial, how to take action to address them is a critical challenge for public health. While inroads have been made in specific areas by giving concentrated attention on one social determinant (e.g. education), the pathways to more widespread change remain elusive. In Australia, in 2007 the Federal Government launched the Social Inclusion Agenda (SIA). The SIA is a broadscale ‘policy current’ designed to address social inequalities. The scale of the Agenda means that it has the potential to impact a wide range of SDoH, including education, housing, employment and social inequality. Change in these areas is understood to occur through ‘joined up’ action across government, and through greater collaboration between government and non-government actors. The SIA provides a rare opportunity to study the implementation of a policy that has the potential to impact a wide range of SDoH. Moreover, the mechanisms through which change is understood to occur under the SIA are consistent with recent debates in the SDoH field, where prominent advocates have called for coordinated action across government and between different sectors. Studying the implementation experiences of the SIA therefore provides important insights into the challenges and opportunities that exist for addressing the SDoH through broadscale ‘joined-up’ action. It also builds our knowledge of the contexts in which public health is increasingly pursuing change (e.g. within government). The aims of this research were: • To explore the implementation experiences of key social policy actors (government policymakers and non-government organisations) involved in the implementation of the Australian SIA. • From the implementation experiences of the SIA, identify potential opportunities for, and challenges to, the implementation of ‘policy currents’. In order to address these aims the study explored the implementation experiences of three different policy actors, who were collectively charged with implementing the SIA. Comparative case study analysis of two non-government organisations was undertaken using observational research and interviews (N=25), accompanied by semi-structured interviews with federal government policymakers (N=6). The study determined characteristics of the SIA and key social policy actors that shaped the spread and uptake of ‘social inclusion’ and examined how ‘experience’ and ‘context’ guided the implementation of the SIA. The research identified a number of critical limitations and challenges to broadscale ‘policy current’ approaches such as the SIA. In particular, the SIA struggled to overcome existing organisational histories, norms and values. Moreover, it established unrealistic expectations amongst implementers outside of government about the nature and speed of change that would occur. The interaction between these contexts and the implementation of the SIA indicates that more needs to be known about the social policy actors that SDoH interventions target (i.e. government policymakers and non-government organisations).
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ItemPublic accountability and public spending on human development: regimes, institutions, and resources( 2011)A large body of scholarly research provides convincing evidence on the linkages between human development and economic growth, poverty alleviation, distributive justice, and, at an even more important level, the expansion of human choices and capabilities, and the broader welfare and wellbeing of individuals as human beings. There is also credible evidence suggesting that public spending on education and health improves human development outcomes. What is much less well understood, however, is why some states choose to spend more on providing education and healthcare to their citizens, while many others keep pushing resources towards their militaries. Based on a revised conception of public accountability that encompasses political regimes, administrative and judicial institutions, and modes of resource mobilisation, I argue, within an overall paradigm of New Political Institutionalism, that it is the nature and strength of public accountability that makes governments responsive to citizens’ wellbeing, and thereby best explains cross-country differences in the level of public spending on education and health as well as the outcomes of this spending. Combining cross-sectional regression analysis with three historical comparative country case studies, I find — against the backdrop of the many potential determinants of public spending identified in the literature — extensive support for my argument. In particular, I find persuasive evidence indicating that democracy and high-quality institutions promote public spending on education and health, while democracy and dependence on taxation tend to reduce military spending. I also find human development outcomes to be strongly associated with democracy and high-quality institutions. My findings have some very significant implications for institutional design and the way we approach the question of human development, particularly in the less developed states.
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ItemStolen generations: the forcible removal of aboriginal children from their families: identity and belonging( 2000)Stolen Generations: 'Identity and Belonging' explores the ways in which members of the Stolen Generations have sought to make sense of, and establish their sense of belonging and negotiate their Indigenous identities. In order to appreciate the uniqueness of the Stolen Generation experience and the challenges faced by individuals in forging their places of belonging, understanding the climate and context in which members of the Stolen Generations lived in is vital. Members of the Stolen Generations were confronted with and have had to come to terms with the paradoxes of history. Members of the Stolen Generations were taken away by, and raised in the very cultures and systems that damaged their societies of origin, and which continued to stigmatise Aboriginality as inferior. Within this context of analysis, the research gives attention to the various ways in which Aboriginal individuals in non-Aboriginal care came to their earliest sense of their Aboriginality. This exploration acts as a commentary of the construction of Aboriginality within the wider non-Aboriginal context - the stereotypes, the racism and the ignorance that informed those opinions. The ensuing search for a fuller understanding of what Aboriginality means to those members of the Stolen Generations is a highly complex and challenging one. For those trying to re-establish their ties with their birth families and communities, the years of physical and cultural isolation make it difficult for individuals to unproblematically find their place/s within the Indigenous families and to negotiate their Indigenous identities. Added to this, the experience of finding places of belonging and acceptance are inevitably shaped and determined by the attitudes and responses of the Koori community towards members of the Stolen Generations. The phrase "bringing them home", which in many ways has become synonymous with the issue of the Stolen Generations, carries with it the assumption that those who were 'lost' simply make their way back home, back to a recognizable and pre-existing community that is ready to welcome these individuals with open arms. The present research draws attention to the fact for most, there is no simple and straightforward route 'home'. This research explores the complexity of this journey - giving careful attention to the ways in which this rupture from cultural heritage and family base poses challenges for those trying to find that 'home' or 'belonging place' and intricacies involved in the negotiation of those Indigenous identities.