School of Historical and Philosophical Studies - Theses

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    The Victorian charity network in the 1890's
    Swain, Shurlee. (University of Melbourne, 1976)
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    Knowledge and intentionality : an essay in philosophical anthropology
    Van Hooft, Stan (1945-) ( 1976)
    Although the central concern of the work which follows is the nature of knowledge, I became during my research increasingly fascinated by the processes of perception. This fascination has led me into areas and methods of research not typical in philosophy. Most notably, it has led me into pursuing the implications of discoveries and creating the web of their conceptual interdependence where others might have sought to establish them more thoroughly. Rather than seek to establish points in great detail in an already well mapped conceptual terrain, I have pushed into what I believe to be uncharted territory. I have outlined a program for research rather than completing a defined topic within such a program. The test of my success will be the interest generated rather than the problems solved. I owe much thanks to Dr. Mary McCloskey who, as supervisor of my work, gave me much encouragement while curbing the unacceptably bold leaps of speculation that I was prone to. Dr. Charles Langley of the Psychology Department at Melbourne University read an earlier draft of chapter six and offered many constructive comments which have been of help to me.
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    The identity theory of mind
    Patterson, Wayne A (1944-) ( 1977)
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    A characterization of justice
    Akie, Melvyn George ( 1977)
    There is no shortage of features that can be put forward as the core of, or at least a major part of, an ideal society. Such elusive communities might be described as "just", "fair", "free", "egalitarian", "democratic", "humane", "efficient", "prosperous", "benevolent", or perhaps simply as "good". What people actually mean by such descriptions is by no means clear. At the level of ordinary everyday speech, what one man might call "democracy" another will label "freedom" or "equality". At the height of the cold war each side claimed that its doctrine was the truly democratic one. Each side also proclaimed its support for freedom, but what was meant by "freedom" in each case was vastly different. Moreover the protagonists of the cold war did not have this field of battle all to themselves; with the emergence of former colonial states and societies toward independent nations, "democracy" and "freedom" took on new meanings.
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    The Australian missionary endeavour in China, 1888-1953
    Dixon, Lesley ( 1978)
    Late in the nineteenth century, when cultural and commercial contact between China and Australia was minimal and the Australian public felt a deep, ingrained distaste for its own Chinese immigrant population, Australian missionaries began to join the Christian missionary enterprise in China. The initial stimulus for the movement was, however, provided largely by British missions and their deputationists who visited Australia in the 1890s. The first stage of the movement was not, therefore, an expression of the burgeoning Australian nationalism in which distrust and loathing of the Chinese immigrant was an integral element. Furthermore, it continued as it began. Between 1888 and 1953, more than 500 missionaries worked in China, the great majority in British, not exclusively Australian, mission organizations. The endeavour was a predominantly Protestant phenomenon, characterized by a high proportion of evangelists, a small core of post-secondary or tertiary-trained professionals, and a large number of women. Apart from a few outstanding contributions to China's social welfare and Sinology, most missionaries were fully occupied with converting the Chinese to Christianity. Although initially and continually stimulated by influences which were external to the Australian environment, the movement had its own internal logic. It was highly self-propagating, drawing a large proportion of its members from friends and families within the ecclesia, the religious community. It did not, however, constitute a homogeneous community. This was due to the wide differences in the ethos and methods of the mission societies involved. Once in China, the great majority of missionaries obeyed the rules and followed the policies of the British societies to which they belonged. They responded to the Chinese and conditions in China in this capacity and adopted the image of Christian internationalism which those societies increasingly projected to accommodate to the demands of Chinese nationalism. Most missionaries therefore voluntarily suppressed their Australian identity. Australian branches of mission societies, with few exceptions, followed suit. As a consequence of the way the movement began, and this effort to remain supranational, Australian missionary interest in China never harmonized with developing Australian secular interest. The missionary movement peaked in 1923 and again in 1933 in response to favourable conditions for Christianity in China; secular interest developed after 1938 and during World War II in response to China's valuable resistance to the common enemy, Japan. For the above reasons, and because of their own mission-centrism, Australian missionaries were not effective translators of the Chinese culture to Australia; nor did they transmit Australian secular attitudes to China. Those Chinese who, in the last stages of the endeavour, were aware of the identity of the Australian missionary, saw him as the colonial subject of British imperial domination. Finally, the missionary body's effect on China's culture and historical development is best assessed in terms of its role as an intellectual stimulus to the social revolution which fomented throughout the undertaking, climaxed in 1949, and rejected the entire Western missionary enterprise.
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    The opposition to Montanism from church and state: a study of the history and theology of the Montanist Movement as shown by the writings and legislation of the Orthodox opponents of Montanism
    Tabbernee, William ( 1978)
    This thesis is primarily an examination of the ecclesiastical and imperial opposition to the Montanist movement throughout the four centuries of its existence (c. 165-550 A.D.). Section I deals with the pre-Constantinian period, arguing that the earliest ecclesiastical opponents were local bishops who, through oral controversy, conciliar condemnation, and literary activity, tried to negate the influence Montanism was having upon the catholic flock. During the third century a few non-episcopal ecclesiastical scholars joined in the literary struggle against Montanism. It is argued, however, that more important than their non-episcopal status is the fact that these scholars, like more and more third century bishops, opposed Montanism without having any personal contact with contemporary adherents of the sect so that by the end of that century opposition to Montanism had become literary warfare from a distance. The extant fragments of this warfare reveal that pre-Constantinian opponents charged Montanists with a variety of offences centering around three main charges: pseudoprophecy, novelty, and heresy. Each of these charges was vigorously defended by Montanist apologists, the chief of whom was Tertullian. The second section covers the same time-span as the first, but examines state opposition. Before 250 A.D., persecution of Christians was usually instigated by the local pagan population at times when the pax deorum appeared to be threatened. It is argued that, whilst Montanists suffered during these persecutions, pagans did not distinguish between Montanists and catholics even though, in some instances, Montanists may have been the indirect cause of these persecutions. After 250 A.D., emperors became more and more involved in instigating persecutions, but, again, they did not differentiate between various types of Christians. Despite the views of certain modern historians, there is no evidence that any pre-Constantinian emperor or governor instigated a persecution against Montanists, hence this section does not contain specific chapters on imperial opponents and their charges. The major issues discussed in this section are "charges" levelled at Montanists by modern historians, namely that Montanists were invariably volunteer martyrs, that they refused to flee during persecutions, and that, even in times of peace, they displayed a provocative attitude towards the state. Much of this alleged Montanist "fanaticism" disappears as a result of a careful scrutiny of all the available evidence. After Constantine became sole ruler of the Empire, he, and his successors, persecuted Montanists in an attempt to preserve the purity of the catholic church. The distinction between ecclesiastical and imperial opposition, therefore, becomes somewhat blurred for the last phase of Montanism (c. 324-550 A.D.). Hence, church and state opposition are both treated in Section III. During this period the trend of ecclesiastical opposition "from a distance", commenced in the third century, continued. Anti-Montanist tracts, letters, and sermons proliferated and large sections of heresiological surveys and church histories were devoted to condemning the movement. Much of this literature was composed by opponents who had no personal contact with Montanists. Charges still centred on pseudo-prophecy, novelty, and heresy, although the range of specific allegations multiplied. A number of the Christian emperors of this period enacted laws aimed at eradicating contemporary Montanism. As a result, a significant number of Western Montanists joined the catholic church, but many others, especially in Rome, Constantinople, and Phrygia, continued their separatist existence until the combined efforts of church and state finally wiped out the movement during the middle of the sixth century. This thesis also re-evaluates the history and theology of Montanism in the light of what is revealed about the movement by the writings and legislation of its orthodox opponents. The view of Montanism presented by the opponents is compared with the Montanists' self-assessment and both are judged in the context of all other available evidence. As a result, it is argued that Montanists did not practice, or believe, many of the things with which they were charged and that, even when there was some substance to a particular charge, the charge was not always applicable to Montanists everywhere. Montanism, in fact, was a very diverse movement. Despite certain modern assessments, the picture of Montanism which emerges from this study is that of an innovative prophetic movement intent on bringing Christianity into line with what it believed to be the ultimate ethical revelation of the Holy Spirit given to the church via its prophets.
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    The Victorian charity network in the 1890's
    Swain, Shurlee Lesley ( 1976-06)
    Poverty was widespread in Victorian society in the later nineteenth century, but the colony remained proud that it had not had to resort to a Poor Law in order to meet the needs of the less fortunate of its citizens. Instead, the relief of the destitute was the responsibility of a large number of voluntary charitable agencies, most financially dependent on the government to a greater or lesser extent, but totally under the control of those private citizens who chose and were able to make regular donations. (For complete precis open document)
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    The structure of experience and the foundations of science: an evaluation, and modern application, of Kant's views on metaphysics in its relation to science, as set out in the Critique of pure reason and the Metaphysical foundations of natural science
    Theophanous, Andrew Charles ( 1977)
    This thesis begins with an outline of Kant's three types of metaphysics as found in his theoretical philosophy. The aim of this thesis is then specified as twofold: (i) to establish the plausibility of the general Kantian method relating metaphysics and science and (il) to show that a substantial number of the theses which Kant lists in his three types of metaphysics provide the foundation for modern natural science. The first task requires a thorough examination of Kant's methodology in relating the three types of metaphysics to each other and to the theses of science. The second requires an evaluation of Kant's substantive claims as to the general features of experience and their relation to the determinate laws of our world. The pursuit of these aims will require, therefore, a comprehensive reassessment of the Critique of Pure Reason from the point of view of its relation to the MF, both methodologically and substantively. I therefore consider and evaluate Kant's views on the substantive questions falling under each type of metaphysic in the three major parts of the thesis. Thus part B (Sections 4-14) discusses the transcendental metaphysics insofar as it seeks to establish the general conditions for any possible world, which allows for knowledge via sensation. Challenges to the transcendental method and an attempted clarification of its nature will be considered in Section 4. In the remainder of Part B, I shall attempt to state and evaluate Kant's transcendental theses regarding the structure of experience and the general features of objective worlds. I shall here be concerned to show their general plausibility and later on their consistency with developments in modern science. Kant's major transcendental theses are those which attempt to show: (i) that knowledge and self-consciousness are only possible if experience has such structure and unity as to represent an objective world (Deduction and Schematism). (ii) that such an objective world must have certain necessary features, as set down in the Principles. Part C (Sections 15-22) concerns the negative type of metaphysics in Kant. Here I discuss the different forms of transcendental idealism. An attempt is made to erase a difficulty which is often used to undermine any serious consideration of Kant's procedure in metaphysics. For it can be argued that since Kant's transcendental principles are inextricably tied to his doctrine of transcendental idealism to such an extent that they stand or fall together and hence that any defence of his general methodology is bound to fail. This claim rests on certain very tough versions of transcendental idealism which are indeed objectionable. But I shall argue that Kant’s true critical position is in fact not an idealism, but rather a transcendental agnosticism and that the major doctrines of the Critique can be sustained without any commitment to an idealism, provided we do not insist on dogmatic realism. Furthermore I shall argue that Kant is generally correct in his claim that certain metaphysical assertions of an absolute character generate antinomies which cannot be resolved - but can only be conceived as regulative principles governing our scientific search for knowledge. Kant's positive transcendental principles plus the regulative principles developed in the Dialectic are used in the MF to generate his determinate metaphysics of our universe. Kant uses the notion of the construction in setting forth his specific theories on the relativity of space and motion, and on the nature of matter which he develops. I then consider to what extent Kant's general method is consistent with Einstein’s theory and with quantum mechanics. In the concluding part of the thesis, E, I specify where I concur with Kant's view on the relation between metaphysics and science and where I disagree. I shall defend Kant's view as to the central role of transcendental thesis, but I shall reject his claim that determinate metaphysics developed by the a priori method should take precedence over the specific theories offered by science. I shall then develop a modified version of the Kantian view, which calls for a metaphysical negotiation process between philosophers and scientists in arriving at the speculative cosmological theories which provide the foundations of natural science.
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    The popular proverbs of Lebanon: some stylistic and linguistic features
    Deeb, Hanneh ( 1975)
    The writer of this Thesis is Lebanese by birth and Arabic is her native tongue. She grew up in the village of Rashaya-al Fukhar in South Lebanon and from childhood has listened to the citizens of the village pondering the mysteries of life to the accompaniment of proverbs ancient and modern. During her period of employment at the American University of Beirut after graduating from that institution she assisted Professor A. Frayha in the compilation of his own famous collection of proverbs and gained insights into Arabic proverbs which whetted her curiosity to continue similar work one day. In 1960 the writer migrated to Australia and turned again to academic work. A subject for research came readily to mind - the proverbs of Lebanon. In particular certain aspects of the proverbs of Lebanon which had not hitherto been investigated, namely the stylistic and linguistic features of these proverbs. The present discussion centres about this problem although it has led to some additional discussions as the thesis will show. The diffusion of Lebanese Arabic proverbs in other Arabic-speaking countries forms a part of the present research. The proverbs here collected have been translated into English and the sources, published or oral, from which these were collected have been carefully noted. (From Preface)
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    The emergence and character of women's magazines in Australia 1880-1914
    Tucker, Maya V. ( 1975)
    Four major points relating to the emergence and character of women's magazines in Australia are explored in this thesis:- when they began, why they began when they did in the 19th century, what form they took when published and the views they expounded about the status and life of women in Australia between the years l880-19l4. Thirty-five women's magazines were consulted, but only one or two representative examples of each type are discussed in any detail. The magazines themselves fall into two distinct categories during this period - the general or service magazine containing fiction, fashion and homemaking features; and the suffrage or political magazine dealing with the implications of votes for women. The thesis is divided into three sections and follows a basically chronological pattern. The first section of four chapters deals with the English background of women's and family magazines to 1850; the popularity of these publications in the Australian colonies throughout the 19th century; the level of education and literacy among women in Australia during this period; and the early attempts to found women's magazines in Melbourne and Sydney in the 1880's. Section two discusses the suffrage and political magazines published for women in Sydney and Melbourne between the years 1889-1914. The first of these two chapters is devoted to a detailed examination of Australia's first successful feminist magazine, Louisa Lawson's Dawn (1888-1905); while the second discusses the suffrage and political magazines for women in New South Wales and Victoria, and compares their failure to the success of Mrs. Lawson's publication. The third and final section examines the emergence of the modern American-influenced magazines in Australia from 1894 to 1914, a whole chapter being devoted to the New Idea (1902-14) as the archetypal example of this trend.