School of Historical and Philosophical Studies - Theses
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ItemThe Australian Railways Union: railway management and railway work in Victoria 1920-1939( 1989)This thesis takes the Australian Railways Union as a focus for an examination of the Victorian Railways between the two World Wars. The development of the union is traced through the optimistic expectations of the early 1920s, the disillusionment which followed the union’s affiliation with the ALP and registration under the Commonwealth Arbitration Court, to the increasing polarisation of the union on political lines as the 1930s progressed. At the same time the union’s relations with, railway management are explored. The innovative management style of Harold Winthrop Clapp, whose term as Chief Railways Commissioner covered the two decades under discussion in this thesis, is examined and set in the context of developments elsewhere in Australia and overseas. The repercussions of Clapp’s administrative and technological changes in railway work are discussed throughout the thesis, and particular attention is paid to the relationship between such changes and job loss. The problems arising from lack of clarity over control of the Railways Department, which are also examined in a separate chapter, were common to other statutory authorities as well. The financial situation of the railways is discussed in relation to that of other Australian railways. The problem of transport regulation to prevent uneconomic competition between motor transport and railways, which received growing recognition during the period of this thesis, also receives special attention. During the Great Depression, the Victorian Railways Department and the ARU played a central role in the national arena. The railway basic wage case of 1930, which resulted in a ten per cent cut in wages, set a precedent for all major industries. The analysis of transcripts of this lengthy case has produced much which is of general significance for economic and labour history. In the final chapters of the thesis, the ARU is shown approaching the radicalism of the 1940s, when large scale industrial action was carried out under Communist leadership. The union in 1939, following two decades of activity as part of a federal railways union, and experience of arbitration and affiliation to the ALP, was very different from the union which had existed up until 1920 in Victoria, with its narrow sphere of activity bounded by ‘the railway fence’, and this thesis explores that transition.
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ItemVagrancy and the Victorians: the social construction of the vagrant in Melbourne, 1880-1907( 1990)In Melbourne between 1880 and 1907, the construction and propagation of a vagrant stereotype and its manifestation in law, constituted an important means of controlling the behaviour of individuals and groups who were perceived to be socially undesirable or economically burdensome.
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Item"Most humble homes": slum landlords, tenants, and the Melbourne City Council's health administration, 1888-1918( 1987-07)The thesis examines the relationship between public health and questions of housing and poverty, in Melbourne, 1888- 1918. It is concerned with the way that with certain groups of people - local council workers, tenants of houses referred to as ‘slums’, and the owners of those houses - represented their experiences. And it seeks to place those representations in the context of the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century concern about the ‘housing problems’. It compares the public rhetoric of the housing reformers and politicians with letters written to the Melbourne City Council by landlords and tenants, and in doing so seeks to show that there were a whole range of housing ‘problems’ not addressed by the public discourse. The first half of the work seeks to place the housing issue into a late nineteenth-century context, and concentrates on public and official discourse. First it considers the City itself, and examines dominant myths about wealth and poverty in 'boom' Melbourne. It argues that these myths shaped contemporary discussion of and responses to housing questions. It then suggests that housing was to a great extent a public health issue for contemporaries, and therefore proceeds to examine the nature of public health administration in the city, both at a central and at a local level. The emergence of housing as a discrete issue in public health discourse is also considered. The thesis then seeks briefly to examine the concept of the 'slum' and to relate it to Melbourne's inner city rental housing market. It then considers in more detail two inner city wards renown for their 'slum' housing. Finally it considers the housing debates which gathered momentum in Melbourne between 1910-1913 and which culminated in the appointment of a Royal Commission to enquire into the housing of the people of the metropolis. It also considers the results of that inquiry. The second half of the work, using an ethnographic and cultural approach looks at slum tenants, landlords and council-workers in an attempt to explore how they perceived their worlds. The correspondence files of the Melbourne City Council are extensively used to consider how these people represented housing issues. Tenants' descriptions of their houses, their concepts of health and disease, their relationships with their landlords and the Council workers, their descriptions of the housing market, and their sense of community and neighbourhood networks are all considered. In turn the thesis considers landlords' representations of their financial positions, and their relationships with Council officials and tenants. Finally, the daily work of the Melbourne City Council's health workers is re-examined in the context of the evidence given before the Royal Housing Commission by the Chairman of the Council's Health Committee, Alderman William Burton.
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ItemMagic and science: aspects of Australian business management, advertising and retailing, 1918-40( 1989)This thesis is concerned with four dominant themes: - the rise of a new managerial formation and associated ideology during the inter-war period, which provided an important base for the spread of managerial skill and power in later decades. - the reconstruction by managers of workers as consumers during the inter-war period. Structural and ideological changes in industrial managements, especially in the fields of advertising, media and retailing were important in promoting a particular ethic of consumption. - the role of empirical social sciences, especially economics and legitimating managerial psychology, aspirations in and technology and in fuelling the reconstruction of social and cultural life. - the influence of ideas and developed in America on businessmen, their practice thoughts. values first Australian and their thoughts.
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ItemThe Victorian Labor Party, 1885-1894( 1984)The Victorian labor party, compared with its counterparts in the other colonies, had a retarded development as a distinct and independent radical party. It was smaller in number and played less of a role in forming and making ministries by August 1894. Victorian labor's slow growth was due to the strong grip of the liberal reform tradition with its progressive and strong liberal party of the 1870's, which advocated radical reforms, such as protection and land taxes, that appeased the workers. And labor was largely overshadowed by and relied on the leading liberals' stronger electoral appeal, legislative initiatives and performance in parliament, which continued into the 1890' s. Liberalism’s attraction ensured that, from the birth of the labor party, labor would see itself as an ally of the liberal party, fragmented and disunited as it was from the mid - 1880's, and as a separate, radical force within the liberal reform tradition, as well as a totally independent radical party of the workers and unionists, who had not been properly represented by the liberals. The other main factors in labor's lack of strength were the party's limited appeal to only a section of the working class (artisans rather than miners, rural workers and non-unionists), the party's lack of financial and organizational independence in depressed times, the rampant apathy and divisions within its ranks, the union movement and the working class, and the peculiarities of the unfair electoral system. But the labor party, as defined, had earlier origins (1885) and was more independent of and influenced the liberals than has previously been supposed. It was influential in having its policies adopted or supported in and out of parliament and in moulding, to some degree, Victoria's political system. Contrary to the view that the THC and craft unions were uninterested in direct representation of labor, it was the Melbourne craft and semi-skilled unions, rather than the new unions of Shearers and Miners, which were the most interested and active of all the other trade unions in forming and furthering support for the labor party. Although the Sydney Trades and Labour Council played a bigger role in forming the largest labor party in 1891, the THC had a larger part in initiating the party from 1885 and controlling the PPL at the top levels than has previously been thought. At the 1886 and 1889 elections, the labor candidates showed the magnetism of liberalism by using labor and liberal titles interchangeably and espousing the same major policies. But they were distinguished by having their own committees, receiving union and unofficial THC support, and pushing for specific grievances and interests, especially protectionist, of the skilled workers or THC, as well as their own. The maritime strike of 1890 was not a turning point in the moves for direct representation, then, as moves had started in the eighties, but it served, like the depression, as a great impetus by helping to radicalize the workers into wanting greater representation and more reforms. Before June 1891 Victorian labor, with three parliamentary members, had achieved very little success in obtaining labor legislation; but, in this, it was in a similar position to its counterparts in the other colonies, and, indeed, it was in a stronger numerical position in parliament than N.S.W. labor at that time. Between 1891 and 1894 labor's influence in and out of parliament grew and it helped to shape the modest beginnings of a modern political party system, as party lines, although still somewhat loose, became more defined and polarized. Victorian labor was not as significant in moulding the party system as its counterparts in the other colonies. They were numerically larger, and so were a major third party or a partner in a ministry, and labor and anti-labor lines were more pronounced in those colonies. But it had a larger role in shaping politics up to August 1894 than has been argued by writers. In 1891 the labor party had introduced some new features. The pledge resulted in the party's higher unity in voting than other parties in the Assembly in 1892. Its extra-parliamentary organization, although not as elaborate as that of the old liberal party of the 1870's, was unique in that it was larger than that of other Victorian parties, was based upon union support and most of its executive and parliamentary representatives were from union and THC ranks. Labor was more radical than liberal in wanting more urgently the enactment of further protection, which was a dividing line between them from the eighties, the end of subletting and the introduction of a minimum wage, the legalization of eight hours, one man one vote, conciliation and arbitration, a higher income tax and other taxes, land nationalization, and some banking and financial reforms. Accordingly, there was much agitation in and out of parliament, especially between 1892 and 1894. Because of its significant influence upon the Shiels government in regard to taxation, especially the increased customs duties, labor was indirectly responsible for the fall of the liberal government, as many liberals deserted supporting it and voted for the conservative Patterson government. Labor was largely responsible for the conservatives' uniting in and out of parliament. The conservatives became the most cohesive group in parliament, as party lines deepened between liberal and conservative. As protection and other policies were placed in jeopardy or were not enacted, labor drew closer to the liberal forces to unite in order to defend these policies and helped to oust the Patterson regime in 1894.
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ItemDarwinism and Australia, 1836-1914( 1992)This thesis is an examination of certain themes and ideas surrounding the development of Darwinism as an intellectual concept in Australian culture. Beginning with a discussion of the manner in which Australian resources played a role in the formulation and growth of Darwin's ideas, it then moves to an analysis of a number of public controversies and debates around aspects of Darwinism which are seen by current Darwinian scholars as being of central importance. The work of a number of Australian scholars is explored to illustrate the way in which evolutionary theory found its way into the academic and public culture of Australia. Finally, discussion is given over to the way in which evolutionary theory became diffused through all areas of intellectual life. Among the chief claims made here are firstly, that, Darwinism played a significant role in the intellectual life of Australia in the last part of the nineteenth-century and that Australians made significant contributions to the development of evolutionary theory. Secondly, it is claimed that for the history of Australian science to have any real meaning it must be understood in its own terms, here on the periphery, and not as an adjunct to events and happenings at the centre. Finally, it is urged here that Australian science and its growth is not bound to a pre-determined and periodised historical development, but that insofar as it is tied to the history of Australia generally, it exhibits the stresses and tensions of the social context in which it exists. At all times this thesis should be seen as an attempt at intellectual history, but one seeking to embed that history within a specific social context.
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ItemThe Puritan quest for enjoyment of God: an analysis of the theological and devotional writings of Puritans in seventeenth century England( 1997)This thesis explores the distinctive vision of enjoyment of God presented in the works of the seventeenth century English Puritans. The main sources for the thesis are the extensive writings of Richard Sibbes (1577-1635) and John Owen (1616-1683). Their works are placed in the broader context of Puritan theological and devotional writings: treatises on union and communion with God; sermons and commentaries on the Song of Songs; devotional works which outline the practice of piety and accounts of spiritual experience in biographies, autobiographies and memoirs. The thesis argues that there were strong mystical elements in Puritan piety, despite the traditional scholarly stereotype of Puritanism as antithetical to mysticism. While scholars have come to acknowledge the existence of mystical elements within Puritan piety they have sometimes suggested that these elements were exceptions within an otherwise anti-mystical movement. Others have detected mystical characteristics more widely in Puritan piety, yet have implied that these characteristics represented an adoption of existing Catholic devotional methods, rather than a natural development from the Puritans' own theology. Certainly, the Puritans were familiar with a rich heritage of patristic, medieval and contemporary spiritual writings, but the internal structure of Puritan devotion was provided by its own Reformed doctrine of God. Out of the rich soil of the Puritans' experiential and affectionate theology, grew an earnest and devout practice of piety, enabling an immediate union and loving communion with God, which was expressed in a sensual and lyrical love-language. The Puritan quest for enjoyment of God was a distinctive and confident vision, which has never received detailed attention in its own right; a virtually uncharted area which demands careful and sympathetic study. This thesis explores the Puritan quest for enjoyment of God in four main areas: its theology, vocabulary, devotion, and enactment. The first chapter deals with the theology which undergirded Puritan mysticism, for the inner shape of Puritan devotion must be sought in its own doctrinal formulations. It demonstrates that Puritan theology was not rationalistic and restrictive, as historians often assume, but a "mystical" and "experiential divinity", aimed at enjoyment of God. In their treatises and sermons, Puritan divines explored the intimate delights of union and communion with God, and the ecstatic joys to be gained through silent adoration of God's incomprehensible mysteries. The second chapter describes the language used by preachers to communicate the goals and ideals of Puritan mysticism: a heavily coded vocabulary which has remained largely unfamiliar to scholars, so that they often misinterpret or overlook descriptions of spiritual joy in Puritan writings. Enjoyment of God was communicated in a lyrical and imagistic love-language, chiefly taken from the marriage-metaphor and the Song of Songs: a passionate and sensual vocabulary which entered the shared language of the godly community, and was used by Puritan "mystics" and ordinary believers to express their spiritual joys. The third chapter outlines the Puritan practice of the means: a demanding devotional system which was deliberately shaped to the constraints of an active calling, a monasticism of the ordinary life. Puritan devotional disciplines have often been characterised as rationalistic and word-centred, dominated by sin and self-examination. But Puritan prayer was actually an earnest and affectionate quest for communion with God; meditation made use of the imagination and senses as well as the mind, and included rapturous contemplation on God's essence; and the Lord's Supper enabled a unique spiritual communion with God. Yet it cannot simply be assumed that ordinary believers followed the advice of Puritan preachers, as given in pulpit and press. The fourth and final chapter therefore concentrates on the records of spiritual experience preserved in biographies, autobiographies and memoirs; accounts of men and women, lay persons and divines, wealthy and poor. Puritan mystical piety was not an elitist or unappealing devotion: many individuals from various walks of life were attracted by its doctrine of God, modelled their lives on its archetype of experience, practised its devotional disciplines, and attained great heights of enjoyment of God.
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ItemThe Portuguese colonisation of Timor: the final stage, 1850-1912( 1994)The arguments put forward in this work are as follows: there was a major change in the nature of Portuguese colonial policy and practice in the last decades of the nineteenth century and this change was partly responsible for a rapid escalation of interaction and conflict between the colonial power and its colonial subjects as exemplified in Timor. But there were other significant local circumstances in Timor at this time which also influenced this increasing conflict. These included an alteration in the economic basis of the colony, which was perceived to increase the need for political control of the society, the growth of the power of military officers within the bureaucracy and the decision of the Portuguese and the Dutch to specifically define their spheres of interest on the island. The second main argument of this work is that, though indigenous opposition to this increasing colonial encroachment was widespread, as exemplified by the rebellion in 1911 - 1912 and anti-colonial revolts in the years prior to 1911, this opposition did not take a unified and consensual form sufficient to be classified as a nationalist rebellion.
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ItemRepublican socialism and revolution in France: La Republique of Eugène Bareste, 1848-1851( 1999)There is wide acknowledgment that the press was closely involved in the establishment of the French Second Republic, and that it remained a significant feature of the life of the Republic. La Republique, however, has not been analysed within the extensive historiography of the period. This thesis, then, is an analysis of a leading newspaper and its role in the Second Republic. La Republique was founded by Eugene Bareste amidst the turmoil of the February Revolution which resulted in the declaration of the French Second Republic. The newspaper appeared daily from 26 February 1848 until 2 December 1851 when it was closed down by the coup d'Etat of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte. Bareste was not an active member of the opposition press during the July Monarchy and, whilst several leading figures of that press became members of successive governments, Bareste did not and thereby avoided compromising his independence through being involved in the actions of any government. In fact, he refused the opportunity to stand as a candidate for the National Assembly in 1848 on the grounds that he wanted to stand apart in order to be free to pursue his self-imposed task of educating the people in the ways of 'republican socialism' and the need to develop institutions appropriate to the Republic. La Republique became the most widely read newspaper of the era with daily sales of more than 50,000 copies at its peak. At that time each copy of a newspaper was usually read by, or was read to, at least ten people and thus the paper could have been accessed by upwards of half a million readers. Due to a lack of archival material, there is no way of knowing precisely who these readers were but from the contents of the paper it appears they were the petite bourgeoisie, shopkeepers, teachers, artisans, workers in all industries, some agricultural producers and rentiers. La Republique enjoyed undoubted popularity but little other than its pages survive. It was edited by a man about whom we know little more than occasional details slipped into his writings. The thesis therefore seeks to recover a 'lost' newspaper of great importance which in its breadth and style can be seen to foreshadow the press of a later generation. As a newspaper of political opinion and information, La Republique embodied a number of common elements and strategies across its life which enabled it to survive in the face of severe repression enacted by a Presidential regime and an Assembly composed largely of notables who feared the power of the press. Bareste' s editorial skills and his business acumen were such that he kept his paper in circulation when others around him failed. His success was made possible because his republican socialism was in fact a broad church that had many distinctive nuances which corresponded to the mood of its wide readership. Thus the thesis also reveals the existence of a hitherto unacknowledged stratum of republican socialists to whom La Republique presented an acceptable alternative notion of society. This analysis marks off Bareste and his newspaper from orthodox historical interpretations and challenges elements of the historiography of the French Second Republic.
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ItemThe itinerary of our days: the historical experience of the street in Melbourne, 1837-1923( 1993)By the 1920s, the automobile had radically altered the social experience of Melbourne’s streets, and an apparent demise of social vibrancy together with the marginalising of traditional street culture have been attributed to its impact on the function and use of public space. The increased regulation of public street life, as enforced particularly by municipal authority, can however be related to broader motives dating back to the city’s earliest days. The planning of the colonial grid in 1837 established a physical and symbolic template for social organisation, and developing spatial hierarchies characterised the street as a social zone. Aided by technological developments, the interface between the footpath and the carriageway gradually became more distinguished, the space of the footpath being allocated not simply in terms of circulatory function, but on the basis of moral, gendered, and aesthetic interpretations. A range of street facilities and municipal ordinances combatted a variety of nuisance definitions, effectively enhancing the physical and sanitary experience of the urban setting, but at the same time creating more rigid surveillance over public social behaviour. The function of the street as economic space for the itinerant hawker and fixed-stand vendor was regulated in the face of growing concerns not only about circulatory congestion, but about class respectability, noise, race, litter, and municipal self-image. The street as the setting for urban public ritual was by the 1920s limited on the grounds of both congestion and cultural homogeneity, where once a diverse range of social groups actually and symbolically claimed the space of the streets for public display. The street is seen as an increasingly regulated urban form, a setting for complex negotiations over public social behaviour and the instrument of a detailed regulatory apparatus demanding conformity to particular conceptions of class, aesthetics, etiquette, convenience, nuisance, race and gender. While nostalgic images of nineteenth-century street life often edit out its negative aspects, the legacy of the first century of municipal authority over public urban domain has been the limitation of the very social diversity which may be an antidote to more contemporary urban ills.