School of Historical and Philosophical Studies - Theses
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ItemThe Queensland Labour governments, 1915-1929( 1954)This thesis is a study of the first long period of Queensland Labour Governments. It does not attempt, except in brief outline, to review the work of the Governments as a whole. Its purpose is much narrower: to explain why by 1929 Queensland Labour had become so “stale” that it lost even the electoral support of sections of its traditional supporters. It suggests that this may have been due primarily to inability to maintain the distinctive Labour character and the aggressive social-reformism of the earlier years, and that light is thrown on the reasons for this inability by three episodes — failure to secure a London loan i 1920, controversy from 1922 to 1926 over the demand for legislative action to increase the basic wage and shorten the working week, and the railway lockout of 1927. Parts III-V, the main body of the thesis, are devoted to an examination of these episodes and their significance. Parts I and II are by way of introduction. Part IV attempts to relate this Queensland experience to some general problems of social-democracy.
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ItemThe economic and political development of Victoria 1877-1881( 1951)Alfred Deakin wrote in a short (unpublished) memoir on the period surveyed in this thesis, “Whatever the relative importance or interest of the years 1875 – 1882 may be, it is certain that the tide of political life ran then much more fiercely than at any subsequent period.” It was to see why political life was so bitter and ran ‘so fiercely’ that this work was undertaken. Letter books and other MS material belonging to members of the Victorian Legislature in the period have been made available by several Victorian families and the access given to this material has been of great assistance to the writer. The division into sections – Part I Economic Development and its relation to Politics, Part II, Political Development – has been made necessary by the pioneering character of the work. Although the whole theme of the thesis centres in the complex interaction of economic and political development, the division was found necessary in order to deal more completely with topics on which there has been no detailed study.
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ItemG.E. Morrison: political adviser to Yuan Shih-kái, President of the Republic of China, 1912-1916( 1975)Foreign advisers in China in the twentieth century were no new phenomenon. Ever since the West had made contact with China, certain men, often motivated by a sense of superiority and willingness to share their knowledge and expertise, saw that China stood totally isolated from the Western experience and appeared in their eyes to be backward, degenerate, weak and greatly in need of their particular assistance and guidance. As Jonathan Spence has clearly pointed out, though the sorts of foreign advisers who went to China differed considerably, most developed an emotional connection with China and, despite a lack of encouragement or even opposition, continued long in the service of the Chinese in an endeavour to raise the standards to that country to those of the Western world. George Ernest Morrison was certainly no exception as Cyril Pearl has to some extent shown in his examination of Morrison’s diaries and correspondence, Morrison was a particularly adventurous man, a person of tremendous energy and vitality, continually cognisant of China’s backwardness and the state she could, with his advice and assistance achieve. Indeed, he sustained a particularly vivid and coloured vision for the future of China. The advantage in opening out the study of Morrison in this period is twofold. In the first instance, Morrison has left to the historian a large amount of material, a collection which began with his personal diary as a schoolboy in Australia. Slicing into his papers for this period allows us to develop a reliable picture of the values, attitude and expectations of the Westerners towards China and Chinese officials, and in turn some conception of the attitude the Chinese took towards their foreign employees and Westerners in China as a whole. These attitudes very much mirror the outstanding differences between the still traditionalistic Eastern monolith and the progressive Western juggernaut. The other reason for studying Morrison is that through him we may come to a better understanding of the reasons for the failure of Yuan Shih-k’ai to build upon the 1911 revolution and to make the Chinese quasi-western political experiment a success. The established tradition of scholarship largely bulks in opposition to Yuan Shih-k’ai; he was not involved in the revolution of 1911 and the expulsion of the Manchu regime from China. Yet, once elected President of the new Republic, Yuan ousted the original revolutionaries from their place in the Republic and began to lay a careful scheme to secure himself and his descendants the next monarchy in China’s long established dynastic history. A point strongly emphasised in the traitor theory is the scheming of Yuan as, from 1913 on, he openly eliminated all political opposition to his rule. As a close contemporary of Yuan Shih-k’ai, we may see through the medium of Morrison just how Morrison personally and Westerners in China generally reacted to Yuan’s personal form of power politics.
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ItemThe road to Singapore: Australian defence and foreign policies 1919-1941( 2008)Nationalist historians have argued, variously, that Australia was betrayed by Britain in 1941-42 with the fall of Singapore, and plunged into crisis, or conversely, that the nation was 'armed and ready' for the much feared Japanese invasion. Arguing that neither proposition is true, this thesis establishes that Australia was not armed and ready even for a much feared large-scale Japanese invasion. Nor was the nation ready for the small-scale Japanese attacks which were more probable and which, under Imperial defence, were a local defence responsibility. This thesis explains why Australia was unprepared. It does this by exploring Australian understandings of Imperial defence, assessing Australian responses to international crises 1919-1939, evaluating criticisms of those responses, and analysing the nature of domestic politics. It concludes with a socioeconomic analysis of Australia's key elites - political, military, and industrial.(Open document for complete abstract)