School of Social and Political Sciences - Research Publications

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    Sentiment and Objectivity in Iranian State-Sponsored Propaganda on Twitter
    Barrows, M ; Haig, E ; Conduit, D (IEEE-INST ELECTRICAL ELECTRONICS ENGINEERS INC, 2024-04-01)
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    Digital authoritarianism and the devolution of authoritarian rule: examining Syria's patriotic hackers
    Conduit, D (ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2023-01-01)
    Given the sensitive nature of cybersecurity in authoritarian regimes, the existence of semi-autonomous patriotic hackers raises questions about their function because no security-adjacent actor can survive without at least tacit regime approval. Reflecting the attention that the phenomenon has received from scholars of defence and cybersecurity, the hackers’ presence has to date been viewed as a pragmatic strategy that either compensates for autocrats’ own lack of technological capacity, or that deflects blowback from high-stakes cyber operations. But less is known about how the hackers’ presence relates to authoritarian stabilization and survival agendas. This prompts this article to ask: How does the devolution of cybersecurity functions to patriotic hackers influence regime stabilization and survival agendas? Observing patriotic hacking in Syria through work on authoritarian devolution, space and cybersecurity, the article argues that while there is much precedent for authoritarian power devolution, digital devolution has novel mechanisms and effects. This is because the internet enables regimes to consciously and instrumentally manipulate the process, thereby creating a sense of constantly shifting space between themselves and the hackers that facilitates new opportunities for authoritarian stabilization and survival.
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    The Impact of Jihadist Foreign Fighters on Indigenous Secular-Nationalist Causes: Contrasting Chechnya and Syria
    Rich, B ; Conduit, D (TAYLOR & FRANCIS INC, 2015-02-01)
    Jihadist foreign fighters have become common in civil conflicts in Muslim countries. While research exists on the impact they have upon returning home, less attention has been given to their influence on the opposition cause that they mobilize in support of. This article looks at the impact that jihadist foreign fighters on the Chechen and Syrian resistance causes, evaluating their influence on oppositional cohesion and ideology, domestic and international perceptions of the movements, and on governmental narratives regarding the conflicts the foreign fighters engage in. It is concluded that foreign fighters have overwhelmingly damaged the Chechen and Syrian opposition movements, making the likelihood of opposition success more remote.
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    Canada, Australia and New Zealand and the Islamic State
    Conduit, D ; Malet, D ; West, L ; Covarrubias, J ; Lansford, T ; Pauly, RJ (ROUTLEDGE, 2016)
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    Foreign Fighters, Human Rights and Self-Determination in Syria and Iraq: Decoding the Humanitarian Impact of Foreign Fighters in Practice
    Conduit, D ; Rich, B (MARTINUS NIJHOFF PUBL, 2016)
    Foreign fighters have become inextricably linked to perceptions of human rights abuses in the Syria and Iraq wars, particularly since the Islamic State group founded its caliphate. This paper explores the human rights impact of foreign fighters in the conflicts, noting that while foreign fighters have been involved in grave human rights abuses, such behavior has not been uniform and must be differentiated by group and role. In this regard, it is argued that while foreign fighters have overwhelmingly had a negative impact on most human rights indicators, fighters in some groups have positively impacted the Right to Self-Determination. Further, the paper notes that while foreign fighters have been large-scale perpetrators of human rights abuses, one must also consider the propaganda value of such acts because foreign fighter-led violence is more newsworthy globally than local-led violence.
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    The syrian muslim brotherhood and the spectacle of hama
    Conduit, D (Middle East Institute, 2016-03-01)
    The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has been a key diplomatic player in the current Syrian uprising; a role that stands in stark contrast to its reputation among Western authors. This article argues that this chasm between the Brotherhood’s practice and reputation is a legacy of the 1982 Hama massacre. The slaughter has become a “spectacle,” as per the theory of Guy Debord, leading Hama to take on an exaggerated significance in portrayals of the Brotherhood.
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    Charting a new course? Testing Rouhani's foreign policy agency in the Iran-Syria relationship
    Akbarzadeh, S ; Conduit, D ; Akbarzadeh, S ; Conduit, D (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016-04-08)
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    The ‘Inside-Track’ Approach to Change in Iran Under President Rouhani: The Case of Freedom on the Internet
    Conduit, D ; Akbarzadeh, S ; Barlow, R ; Akbarzadeh, S (Springer, 2018)
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    The Iranian Reform movement since 2009
    Conduit, D ; Akbarzadeh, S ; Akbarzadeh, S ; Conduit, D (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018-09-27)
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    Political Participation of Islamists in Syria: Examining the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's Mid-century Democratic Experiment
    Conduit, D (ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2019-01-02)
    Accompanying increased participation by Islamists in parliaments across the Middle East in the past two decades, there continues to be a debate as to the sincerity of their commitment to democratic values and systems. Scholars have traditionally pursued the issue through the inclusion/moderation model, or through concepts such as ‘post-Islamism’. The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, however, represents a rare case for the study of Islam and democracy because its democratic engagement preceded its later period of violent and ideological radicalism by decades. The group contested elections within the first two years of its formation, meaning that its positions on democracy were ‘moderated’ neither by pluralist political pressures nor by the failure of a previous non-democratic ideology. This article therefore examines the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's performance in Syria's political processes between 1947 and 1963 as a case study of Islamism and democracy, evaluating substantive indicators of democratic engagement, such as electoral practices, pact formation, policy adaptation and approaches to executive government. Using recent interviews with Brotherhood members, memoirs, archival material and newspapers, the article argues that, during this time, while the Brotherhood was not the most effective political actor, it did demonstrate a reasonably diligent commitment to democracy.