School of Social and Political Sciences - Research Publications
Permanent URI for this collection
Search Results
1 - 10 of 19
-
ItemRegulatory failures and regulatory solutions: a characteristic analysis of meta-regulation( 2006)Meta-regulation has developed as a method of harnessing the self-regulatory capacity within regulated sites whilst retaining governmental authority in determining the goals and levels of risk reduction that regulation should achieved. This paper critically analyses the capacity of meta-regulation to resolve chronic regulatory challenges through subjecting the approach to a ‘characteristic’ analysis where the challenges of securing compliance are discussed in light of an appreciation of both the nature of regulatory policymaking as well as economic and social pressures that shape the normative orientation of a regulated site. Meta-regulation shows considerable potential, yet remains vulnerable because of its disassociation of compliance from context. The paper explores how under adverse conditions, the “regulation practice gap” widens and the rigour of a meta-regulatory approach may see it used as a political solution to a legitimacy problem rather than as a carefully thought through approach to an agreed upon critical risk
-
ItemResidential standby power consumption in Australia( 2001)In 2000, Australian Governments commissioned a wide-ranging survey of the residential sector with the objective of developing a comprehensive understanding of residential standby energy consumption. This involved intrusive surveys of 64 houses in 3 large Australian cities, telephone interviews of 801 people Australia-wide, measurements of 533 appliances in major retail stores and analysis of historical metering data. The results revealed that the average standby and miscellaneous power consumption is 86.8 Watts or 760 kWh per household per annum. It is estimated that standby costs each Australian household A$95 (or 52 Euro). These figures exclude water heaters and refrigeration appliances. Overall, standby and miscellaneous accounted for 11.6% of residential electricity use in 2000, equating to 5.3 Mt CO_2e. It is estimated that this figure is increasing at 8% per annum. The response to standby power consumption by Australian governments is centred on a commitment to a one-watt target. This poster will outline the means by which Australia arrived at such a target and assess its relevance to other countries. The paper will also outline programs supporting the one-watt target. These include Energy Star for Office Equipment and Home Electronics as well as a commitment to incorporate standby power consumption into the existing Energy Rating scheme for whitegoods.
-
ItemImproving Local Transport Outcomes Through Partnerships and Joined Up Government( 2006)Local transport services in Victoria are funded, planned and delivered by multiple agencies representing the transport, education, health and community services portfolios. This fragmentation in service delivery has led to sub-optimal asset utilisation, under-utilisation of existing capacity and services that are not necessarily aligned with community need.The Victorian Government has funded a number of small-scale partnership-based projects that are designed to facilitate cooperation and collaboration amongst community organisations, transport providers and local government. These projects are starting to achieve some impressive results though better utilisation of existing transport resources and the development of innovative new approaches and transport services.However, the potential of the projects has been constrained by the rigidities in existing government policy frameworks, as well as governance structures which restrict joined-up action across government departments.In light of this experience with local transport, this paper will explore the challenges and opportunities associated with local partnerships and joined-up government.
-
ItemA comparative analysis of political email lists(Centre for Public Policy, 2004)Utilising three similar, but slightly different Australian general political email discussion lists, this paper examines the degree to which these lists, as a new form of 'public sphere' (Dahlberg, 2001) can be seen to undertake, or fulfil, the 'traditional' functions of political associations (formal and informal),specifically: political socalisation, aggregation, and mobilisation. Using a combination of content analysis, observation, and network analysis to examine the content of messages travelling over these lists and the social community they embody, this paper concludes that these lists do fulfil important political socialisation functions, but do not provide the means by which political interlocutors can turn this social bonding and education into practical political expression. While each list had significant similarities, it appears that important "bracing" factors lead to the success or otherwise of lists as lively places for debate. In particular, the role of moderation and promotion is critical in the establishment of political discussion lists that develop enough 'critical mass' to sustain a community of interest large enough to appear self-replicating. The research points to the important relationship between online political forms of expression and extant political organisations, structures, and institutions for further research.
-
Iteme-lection 2004? New media and the campaign( 2004)This paper explores the use of new media technologies, such as the Internet, in the Australian federal election campaign of 2004. With indications of a closely-contested campaign dominating media coverage in the lead up to October 9, normal assumptions of campaign strategies would call for the use of the full range of campaigning techniques to pry open pockets of support in key marginal seats. Internationally, new media technologies have become increasingly important in political campaigning, both as a tool for direct communication between partisans and electors, and as a particularly powerful method of networking together people, money, and issues. Based on research conducted on parties, candidates, and non-party activists, this paper argues that the use of new technologies in the Australian electoral environment remains limited and, in some aspects, has declined from the previous electoral cycle. This can be attributed to a number of factors: fundamental difficulties in aligning new communications channels to Australia's political geography, low perceptions of the efficacy of new technologies in shifting electors' voting intentions, and the failure by organised political parties to systematically resource and strategise new media technologies within their conventional communications and campaigning strategies. Overall, while a number of interesting campaigning innovations were observed and individual candidates had a greater online presence in this electoral cycle, innovation in the use of new technologies for political purposes has remained relatively low compared with comparative jurisdictions.
-
ItemeGovernance practice and potential in the local government sector( 2003)This paper presents initial findings of a research project into the current extent of, demand for, and strategic inhibiters / facilitators to / for the development of electronic governance (eGovernance) in the local government sector in Australia. Undertaken by members of the sector in Victoria, in conjunction with the Centre for Public Policy of the University of Melbourne, the project is will produce a final detailed strategic report by the middle of 2004. Based on the results of survey data collected by members of the project team during 2002-3, this paper argues that the local government sector, as typified by municipalities in the state of Victoria , can be seen to have an interest in a broad range of activities that fall under the rubric of eGovernance as defined within.
-
ItemAustralia: where forward co-regulation?(NetAlert, 2002)Regulation of the online environment has become a common problem for many governments around the world. While the motivations for regulation are diverse, in their desire to censor Internet content, English-speaking countries have tended to focus on the moral implications of unfettered communication between computer users. Issues associated with intellectual property protection, harassment, and criminality following behind initial policy positions aimed, largely, at pornography and other morally-unacceptable forms of communication. In Australia, initial policy debates about Internet content focused almost exclusively on pornography and paedophilia, focusing on conflict between the protection of minors from offensive and morallydegrading material and the freedom of adults to communicate content of interest to them. In 1999, the Federal Government introduced the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Online Services) Act prohibiting the unrestricted distribution of material that would be classified 'R' or greater under the existing film and literature classification regime. In 2000, following public debate about the extent of gambling in the Australian community, the government introduced a moratorium on the expansion of online gambling services in Australia, followed in July 2001 by the Interactive Gambling Act to prohibit the operation of online casinos within Australia. While initial regulatory proposals countenanced the possibility of strict regulation, each law was curtailed to regulatory regimes that would minimise compliance costs for certain established commercial players. (From Introduction)
-
ItemWho's in the joined-up government? Australian elected representatives adaptive responses to network technology(The University of Melbourne - Centre for Public Policy, 2002)
-
Item'They're not like us': the de-amalgamation of Delatite Shire( 2002)The compulsory amalgamation of Victorian local governments under the Kennett government in the mid 1990s led to a major period of upheaval and reform across the entire sector. Forced into 'mega councils' with appointed administrators and cuts to rate income, all councils struggled to merge political and administrative systems and cultures, manage service delivery, and move to new public management principles of contract management and privatisation of council functions. While most municipalities grudgingly accepted the new centrally-determined boundaries, Delatite Shire in North-East Victoria saw ongoing resistance to the amalgamation from its southern community of Mansfield, bitterly opposed to the amalgamation with Benalla and the perceived loss of services and government staff from their region. From the formation of a locally-based residents' association, the first democratically-elected council of the new Shire was largely replaced by one comprised of pro-de-amalgamation representatives, who successfully lobbied the State government for the opportunity to present a case for splitting the Shire. Following ongoing community consultation, the Council has been given the opportunity to split, an administrative exercise that will increase rates and create a new Shire dependent on contracted services from surrounding municipalities. Examining the case, this paper explores the public debate and political strategies employed to advance and realise the de-amalgamation policy, examining the problems associated with forming a community of interest within the new Shire. Overall, the case presents an interesting comparison with other pro-autonomy movements, the theoretical analysis of which is generally confined to ethnic separatism. The paper concludes that, while practical limitations in effective public administration resulted from the ill-considered merger of Benalla and Mansfield, much of the political debate surrounding de-amalgamation were based on the essential premise that separation was the only solution for significant financial and structural problems within the council. Thus political arguments were constrained within this 'pre-framed' debate.
-
ItemChoosing one’s history wisely: network governance and the question of institutional performance( 2004)How do governments get from one place to another? This is the question that lies at the centre of all discussions of institutional performance. In this paper I review some recent work on new forms of partnership and collaborative governance which suggest that a number of countries have recently begun to break from their previous structures and to make significant shifts in the way actors are engaged in public institutions. The paper will ask whether this can be understood in terms of standard notions of institutional theory (path dependence, systems theory, cultural theory and so on) and if not, why not.