School of Social and Political Sciences - Research Publications

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    The IAEA's Role in Nuclear Security Since 2016
    Findlay, T (Nuclear Threat Initiative, 2019-02)
    The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the key multilateral global nuclear governance body, describes itself as the “global platform” for nuclear security efforts, with a “central role” in facilitating international cooperation in the field. Long concerned with the physical protection of nuclear materials and facilities, the Agency began to ramp up its involvement in the broader issue of nuclear security after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The series of Nuclear Security Summits, which ran from 2010 to 2016, drew high-level political attention to the threat of nuclear terrorism for the first time and boosted support for the IAEA’s nuclear security mission. The final summit, held in Washington, DC, in March 2016, lauded the Agency as “crucial for the continuing delivery of outcomes and actions from the nuclear security summits.” Participating governments agreed to a seven-page “Action Plan in Support of the International Atomic Energy Agency.”1 Three years after the final summit seems an opportune time to assess how the Agency’s nuclear security work has fared since then. Given the complexity of the Agency’s nuclear security activities, this paper cannot provide a comprehensive assessment, but will highlight the most important nuclear security activities and the constraints and challenges the IAEA faces in fulfilling its nuclear security role.
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    Sueños náuticos en Australia (Australia's nuclear nautical dreams)
    Findlay, T (La Vanguardia, 2022-08-25)
    In a surprising statement with implications for nuclear weapons proliferation, Australia announced in October last year that it would pursue nuclear-powered and conventionally armed submarines. An eighteen-month study has to determine if and how the project is carried out. If it materializes, it would be done in collaboration with the United Kingdom and the United States, two traditional allies of Australia. The three countries have established the AUKUS partnership to strengthen defense and security cooperation in various areas, including, in addition to the submarine project, cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence and quantum technologies. In November 2021, the three countries signed an agreement that allows the exchange of information and visits to facilitate the study of submarines. The obstacles to Australia's submarine ambitions are legion. Among them, their astronomical costs (some estimates reach 14 billion Australian dollars per unit), Australia's limited technical capacity to build, operate, maintain and deploy such ships and the secrecy surrounding the nuclear propulsion technology that neither the UK nor the US will be willing to share with Australia. Although details are currently scarce, the most likely scenario is that Australia will try to build the submarines itself (probably eight) in the south of the country and import the nuclear reactors and highly enriched uranium fuel from the US ( UAE). The fuel would be sealed in the reactors before passing into Australian hands and returned to the US at the end of life for removal and disposal. One of the advantages of submarine reactors fueled by UAE is that they have cores that last the entire life of the submarine and do not require periodic recharging. Although there are undoubted military advantages to acquiring submarines that are quieter, can remain submerged longer, and have greater range than conventional submarines, there are also significant disadvantages.
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    Las paradojas del progresismo ecuatoriano: Una mirada crítica a su legado en lo social, económico y ecológico
    Rodríguez, D ; Herrera, S ; Molina, C ; Torres Davila, VH (Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, CLACSO, 2020)
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    Transdisciplinarity and epistemic communities: Knowledge decolonisation through university extension programmes
    Rodriguez, D (Wiley, 2022-02)
    In Latin America, a legacy of colonisation is the pervasiveness of a Eurocentric approach to knowledge. This geopolitics of knowledge entails the prioritisation of “rational” scientific knowledge over the mosaic epistemology that characterises a population born from high mestizaje (cultural and ethnic heterogeneity). Alternatively, universities could advance global cognitive justice by means of knowledge decolonisation. This article explores one way to advance that project. Based on contributions from Luso‐Hispanic scholars, I propose university extension programmes be reformulated to include epistemic communities as ecologies of knowledges. Theoretical insights are contrasted with an Ecuadorian experience, where a centre originally created to disseminate georeferenced socioeconomic and ecological indicators has evolved into a knowledge community with potential to promote plural dialogue of knowledges and influence decision making.
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    What is in the 'People's Interest'?" Discourses of Egalitarianism and 'Development as Compensation' in Contemporary Ecuador
    Fitz-Henry, E ; Rodriguez, D ; Gold, M ; Zagato, A (Berghahn Books, 2020)
    The left-wing Pink Tide movement that swept across Latin America seems now to be overturned, as a new wave of free-market thinkers emerge across the continent. This book analyses the emergence of corporate power within Latin America and the response of egalitarian movements across the continent trying to break open the constraints of the state. Through an ethnographically grounded and localized anthropological perspective, this book argues that at a time when the regular structures of political participation have been ruptured, the Latin American context reveals multiple expressions of egalitarian movements that strive (and sometimes momentarily manage) to break through the state’s apparatus.
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    For a progressive realism: Australian foreign policy in the 21st century
    Bisley, N ; Eckersley, R ; Hameiri, S ; Kirk, J ; Lawson, G ; Zala, B (ROUTLEDGE JOURNALS, TAYLOR & FRANCIS LTD, 2022-03-04)
    What ideas and concepts might be used to reinvigorate a progressive approach to Australian foreign policy? In contrast to the clarity of the international vision provided by right-wing movements, there is uncertainty about the contours of a progressive approach to contemporary Australian foreign policy. This article outlines the basis of a ‘progressive realism’ that can challenge right-wing accounts. Progressive realism combines a ‘realistic’ diagnosis of the key dynamics that underpin contemporary world politics with a ‘progressive’ focus on the redistribution of existing power configurations. Taken together, these two building blocks provide the foundations for a left-of-centre foreign policy agenda. We apply progressive realism to four policy areas: pandemic politics, aid and infrastructure in the Pacific, climate change, and a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. This analysis, in turn, highlights the challenges and opportunities for progressive political actors in crafting foreign policy both within and beyond Australia.
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    Green democracy
    Eckersley, R ; Morin, J-F ; Orsini, A (Taylor & Francis, 2020-09-01)
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    Green Theory
    Eckersley, R ; Dunne, T ; Kurki, M ; Smith, S (Oxford University Press, 2021)
    This chapter explores the ways in which environmental concerns have influenced International Relations (IR) theory. It provides a brief introduction to the ecological crisis and the emergence of green theorizing in the social sciences and humanities in general, and then tracks the status and impact of environmental issues and green thinking in IR theory. It shows how mainstream IR theories, such as neorealism and neoliberalism have constructed environmental problems merely as a ‘new issue area’ that can be approached through pre-existing theoretical frameworks. These approaches are contrasted with critical green IR theories, which challenges the state-centric framework, rationalist analysis, and ecological blindness of orthodox IR theories and offer a range of new environmental interpretations of international justice, democracy, development, modernization, and security. In the case study, climate change is explored to highlight the diversity of theoretical approaches, including the distinctiveness of green approaches, in understanding global environmental change.
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    Great Expectations: The United States and the Global Environment
    Eckersley, R ; Falkner, R ; Buzan, B (Oxford University Press, 2022-01-10)
    This chapter conceptually disentangles the relationship between environmental leadership and special environmental responsibilities that attach to the US as a great power and uses this framework to assess the US’s environmental diplomacy from the 1970s to 2020. It shows that the US has never fully accepted special environmental responsibilities because they cede economic advantages to rising powers and clash with the US-sponsored liberal economic order. The chapter also challenges the conventional narrative that US environmental leadership has been in general decline since the Nixon administration’s diplomacy at Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment in 1972. It identifies the conditions that are most conducive to US environmental leadership and shows that the high point of environmental leadership was the US’s ozone diplomacy under the Reagan administration, followed by the Obama administration’s climate diplomacy, while the Biden administration’s climate diplomacy may give rise to another high point.
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    Geopolitan Democracy in the Anthropocene
    ECKERSLEY, R (Sage Journals, 2017)
    The proposed new epoch of the Anthropocene, whereby humans have become the dominant geological force shaping Earth systems, has attracted considerable interest in the social sciences and humanities but only scant attention from democratic theorists. This inquiry draws out the democratic problems associated with the two opposing narratives on governing the Anthropocene – Earth systems governance and ecomodernism – and juxtaposes them with a more critical narrative that draws out the democratic potential of the Anthropocene as a new source of critique of liberal democracy and a new resource for democratic renewal. While Ulrich Beck welcomed reflexive cosmopolitan democracy (understood as a civil culture of responsibility across borders) as the appropriate response to the world risk society, this narrative develops an account of hyper-reflexive ‘geopolitan democracy’ based on a more radical extension of democratic horizons of space, time, community and agency as the appropriate response to navigating the Anthropocene.