School of Social and Political Sciences - Research Publications

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    Developing a Career Access Program (CAP) for people with intellectual disability in the Victorian public sector: The evidence base to inform the development and implementation of CAP
    McVilly, K ; Murfitt, K ; Crosbie, J ; Rouget, D ; Jacobs, P (Department of Health and Human Services and The University of Melbourne, 2019)
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    Help is close at hand? Proximity and the effectiveness of peacekeepers
    Goldring, E ; Hendricks, M (SAGE Publications, 2018-10)
    How do the national origins of peacekeepers influence peacekeeping operations’ success? We argue that peacekeeping operations better protect civilians when a higher percentage of peacekeepers come from geographically proximate countries. These peacekeepers have been exposed to similar societal and cultural norms and are more invested in preventing conflict diffusion. Peacekeepers from proximate countries can better collect and analyze intelligence, are more effective at separating combatants, and are therefore more successful at protecting civilians. In making this argument, we also challenge the theory that diversity in a peacekeeping operation matters. We find support for both our mechanisms and show that the importance of diversity may have been overstated. Where a peacekeeping operation is present in civil conflicts, if a quarter of its personnel come from proximate countries, then all things being equal, it would completely prevent civilians dying. The results show policymakers the importance of recruiting peacekeepers from countries near to conflicts.
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    Fighting for a name on the ballot: constituency-level analysis of nomination violence in Zambia
    Goldring, E ; Wahman, M (Taylor and Francis Group, 2018-08-18)
    What factors increase the likelihood of nomination violence? Nomination violence can be an expression of both horizontal conflict, between local political elites, and vertical conflict, between national and local elites. We theorize about factors that may increase the risks of vertical and horizontal conflict and leverage a unique dataset of constituency-level nomination violence obtained from surveys with 464 domestic election observers active in the 2016 Zambian general election. Our statistical analyses show constituencies with an incumbent standing for re-election were more likely to experience nomination violence. Also, contrary to previous research on general election violence, we theorize and find that more rural constituencies had a higher propensity for nomination violence than urban constituencies. Our findings highlight the importance of intra-party power relations and the bargaining relationship between the centre and periphery.
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    Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia
    Goldring, E ; Wahman, M (SAGE Publications, 2016-12)
    On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.
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    IAEA Non-Compliance Reporting and the Iran Case
    Findlay, T (Arms Control Association, 2016-01)
    Agreement by Iran in Vienna on 14 July 2015 to roll back and constrain its nuclear program handed the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) its greatest non-compliance reporting challenge yet. As the multilateral organization charged with determining compliance with nuclear safeguards agreements, the IAEA has had experience with eight significant non-compliance cases, including that of Iran prior to this latest agreement. But none matches the procedural complexity, technical intricacy and political sensitivity of the Comprehensive Joint Plan of Action concluded by Iran with China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union. To fulfil its role the IAEA’s Secretariat and Director General, Yukiya Amano, will need to draw on the Agency’s extensive experience with past non-compliance cases, exploit the latest verification technology promised by the agreement, marshal its finest report-crafting expertise and steer an impartial, balanced, sensitive path through treacherous political waters.
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    Managing the Global Nuclear Security Architecture After the Summits
    FINDLAY, T (International Atomic Energy Agency, 2016)
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    Nuclear Security Diplomacy Beyond Summitry 1
    Findlay, T ; Volders, B ; Sauer, T (Taylor & Francis, 2016)
    This chapter assesses the role of multilateral diplomacy in strengthening nuclear security after the nuclear summit process ends in 2016. Nuclear security diplomacy is taken to mean communications, discussions, and negotiations among states, especially through high-level gatherings of government representatives, and other stakeholders, notably industry and civil society. Diplomacy may, at first glance, seem to be a laughingly fey response to the threat of nuclear terrorism. One of the challenges in ensuring comprehensive nuclear security is the array of institutions, mechanisms, and arrangements that deal with the issue, either at a broad policy level or in more substantive terms. The Council would also likely play a critical role in reacting to a major nuclear terrorism incident. However, both UNGA and the Council have comprehensive agendas that only allow episodic attention to nuclear security and cannot therefore be expected to play a regular, attentive diplomatic role in this field.
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    The IAEA's Organizational Culture: Myths and Realities
    FINDLAY, T (RJISSF, 2016)
    in his classic work Organizational Culture and Leadership, Edgar Schein, the guru of organizational culture studies, identifies three levels of culture, “from the very tangible overt manifestations that one can see and feel to the deeply embedded, unconscious, basic assumptions.”1 He designates these as artifacts, espoused values, and underlying assumptions. Artifacts are an organization’s visible structure, processes, and symbols. Espoused values are those that an organization publicly proclaims. Underlying assumptions are those unlikely to be articulated publicly, but taken for granted as ‘the way we do things around here.
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    Sustaining the Nuclear Watchdog with a Grand Budgetary Bargain
    FINDLAY, T (Taylor and Francis Group, 2016-05-11)
    On March 11, 2011, a powerful earthquake struck the east coast of Japan. Fifty-six minutes later the seismic safety experts at the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) concluded that the event, and its accompanying tsunami, could damage nuclear power plants in the region. The Agency’s Incident and Emergency Centre was activated, declared to be in “full response mode” and staffed continuously 24 hours a day for the following 54 days. Approximately 200 agency personnel were diverted from their normal activities to the Fukushima disaster response, keeping in touch with Japanese authorities, advising concerned member states and coordinating offers of assistance. Fukushima-related activities ended up consuming all unencumbered funding in the agency’s safety and security budget for 2012 as well as requiring a one-off transfer of funds from other major programs. This incident illustrates graphically the hand-to-mouth existence of what is popularly known as the “nuclear watchdog.”