School of Social and Political Sciences - Research Publications
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ItemNuclear Security Diplomacy Beyond Summitry 1(Taylor & Francis, 2016)This chapter assesses the role of multilateral diplomacy in strengthening nuclear security after the nuclear summit process ends in 2016. Nuclear security diplomacy is taken to mean communications, discussions, and negotiations among states, especially through high-level gatherings of government representatives, and other stakeholders, notably industry and civil society. Diplomacy may, at first glance, seem to be a laughingly fey response to the threat of nuclear terrorism. One of the challenges in ensuring comprehensive nuclear security is the array of institutions, mechanisms, and arrangements that deal with the issue, either at a broad policy level or in more substantive terms. The Council would also likely play a critical role in reacting to a major nuclear terrorism incident. However, both UNGA and the Council have comprehensive agendas that only allow episodic attention to nuclear security and cannot therefore be expected to play a regular, attentive diplomatic role in this field.
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ItemWho Is the Subject of Queer Criminology? Unravelling the Category of the Paedophile(Palgrave Macmillan, 2016)In the foreword to a recent special edition of Critical Criminology, Ball, Buist, and Woods write that queer criminology ‘can speak to a number of people and communities. It can take us down multiple paths, and it can remain an open space of intellectual and political contestation’ (2014: 4). Using this observation as a starting point, this chapter examines the subject to which queer criminology speaks. As this book attests, queer criminology is a comparatively new orientation. While criminology has addressed issues of sexual difference, it has generally posited a particular kind of ‘queer’ subject — predominantly those who identify as gay, lesbian, and more recently bisexual or trans. Compounding this shortcoming are the scenarios in which sexual difference has traditionally been interrogated. For example, victimisation has overwhelmingly been preoccupied with prejudice-motivated crime and interpersonal violence. On the other hand, research examining scenarios of queer criminality have typically pivoted around sexual deviance and sex work. Peterson and Panfil insightfully observe that the consequence of this tradition has been to produce a narrow frame of sexed and gendered difference within criminological scholarship (2014: 3)
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ItemCanada, Australia and New Zealand and the Islamic State(ROUTLEDGE, 2016)
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ItemCharting a new course? Testing Rouhani's foreign policy agency in the Iran-Syria relationship(Palgrave Macmillan, 2016-04-08)
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ItemGlobal political justice(Wiley, 2016)Scholarly debate on the subject of global justice has been overwhelmingly focused so far on the socio-economic aspects of justice. Much less attention has been given to those political aspects of global justice concerned with arrangements for public decision-making and the collective exercise and control of power. This gap is not adequately filled by literatures on global democracy, either, since these do not incorporate sufficient analysis of whether the democratic institutions that deliver political justice within states can achieve the same result when dealing with the very different forms of power and political agency that structure the domain of global politics. This collection brings together scholars from across the disciplines of political theory, normative ethics, and International Relations to undertake a fresh examination of some fundamental theoretical questions about the nature and significance of global political justice. Contributors tackle several dimensions of this complex theoretical topic, exploring questions about: the relationship of global political justice to other normative standards like ‘legitimacy’,‘democracy’, and ‘socio-economic’justice; the nature of global ‘public power’and the prospects for global political community; the justice and continued significance of traditional ordering principles of sovereignty and territoriality; and the relevance of standards of political justice (like political equality) to the regulation of international violence and principles of just war. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
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ItemAntipower, Agency, and the Republican Case for Global Institutional Pluralism(Routledge, 2015)One notable contribution made by recent work in republican theory has been its push to shift the focus of normative political analysis away from the structure of institutions that distribute social goods , and towards the structure of power relationships among individuals and groups within a social order. The republican political ideal prescribes combating power within social relationships that takes a particular pernicious form-generally called “arbitrary,” or “alien”—in which control is exercised by one actor over another without appropriate political endorsement or contestability. 1 This focus on power within republican theory equips it well to contribute to contemporary debates about institution-building in the global domain, where dynamics of power relationships are prominent features of the political landscape.
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ItemCorporations and global justice: Rethinking ‘public’ and ‘private’ responsibilities(Routledge, 2013-01-01)This chapter argues that corporate accountability rather than corporate social responsibility (CSR) strategies are more suitable for the inclusion of homeworkers in organizing, policy and ethical supply chain regulation issues. It also argues that the collective organization of homeworkers, and community-union alliances combined with corporate accountability features legislative and voluntary mechanisms to regulate the supply chain increase the likelihood of codes being relevant to informal and formal workers. The chapter begins with a discussion of homework in the global context, and examines informal employment, and contrasts CSR to the emergent theme of corporate accountability. It includes a detailed case study of the FairWear campaign, an example of an Australian community-union campaign with links to grassroots organizing through the campaign partners Textile, Clothing and Footwear Union of Australia (TCFUA) and Asian Women at Work (AWATW). The chapter focuses on the Australian homework context and the FairWear campaigns role in promoting homeworker rights through campaigns to maintain legal protection and supply-chain regulation.
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ItemTaking Responsibility for Climate Change(Melbourne University Press, 2012)
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ItemMultilateralism in crisis?(Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015-11-27)The 2009 United Nations climate conference in Copenhagen is often represented as a watershed in global climate politics, when the diplomatic efforts to negotiate a successor agreement to the Kyoto Protocol failed and was replaced by a fragmented and decentralized climate governance order. In the post-Copenhagen landscape the top-down universal approach to climate governance has gradually given way to a more complex, hybrid and dispersed political landscape involving multiple actors, arenas and sites. The Handbook contains contributions from more than 50 internationally leading scholars and explores the latest trends and theoretical developments of the climate governance scholarship.
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ItemResponsibility for Climate Change as a Structural Injustice(Oxford University Press, 2016-01-07)This chapter critically explores the political and moral challenges involved in understanding the harms of climate change as the product of structural injustices with a specific focus on political responsibility. The chapter stages a critical encounter between Iris Marion Young’s account of political responsibility, and the debate among climate justice theorists on how to assign responsibility for mitigation and adaptation to citizens and states. This encounter demonstrates the value of a hybrid approach that includes, and bridges, forward looking shared responsibility and backward looking liability models, but also reveals a major predicament. The more that structural injustices based on historical responsibility are backgrounded, the easier it becomes to reach agreements between the world’s most vulnerable and most privileged. Yet doing so accelerates the skewed distribution of climate vulnerability toward the least privileged, diminishing the common ground needed to achieve an equitable allocation of responsibility for climate change.