Architecture, Building and Planning - Theses
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ItemTrinity College: the first twenty years of building( 1966)Trinity, as it stands today, betrays little evidence of achievement or the unique. The ‘old College’, a pleasant collection of buildings, retires quietly behind its elms and ivy. One of the buildings is perhaps the finest example of Tudor architecture in Melbourne, but another, designed by a man intimately conversant with Gothic and the architect of the first buildings at Sydney University, is most disappointing. The ‘Mid-Victorian’ Gothic Clarke building is hardly what one would have expected from Edmond Thomas Blacket. These buildings and their various styles are a testimony of the many architects involved, four of whom prepared plans for the entire college. No more than the first stage of each scheme was ever completed. Begun prematurely in order to secure a Crown Grant of the land, temporarily reserved from sale for the purpose of erecting a Church of England College, Trinity was the first of its kind in Melbourne. Had it not prospered, it is doubtful whether the other denominations would have followed so soon after in the building of their colleges. Some 16 years after the founding of Trinity and 6 years after Ormond, the Rev. W. H. Fitchett at the opening of Queen’s College said, "had they ( Trinity and Ormond ) failed, the Methodists' would not have dared to have begun this great enterprise." However, although Trinity prospered, it did so without the benefit of large gifts and endowments. Its debts, some incurred at the very beginning, were not cleared until 16 years later. Indeed, lack of financial support was its most constant foe. (Preface)
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ItemPapuan transformations: architectural reflections on colonialism: the modern colony, the Purari, the Orokolo and the Motu cultural and architectural transactions 1884-1975( 2004)The study follows a sequence of transactions between modernity and tradition in three Papuan societies, and in the colony itself. It seeks explanations for surprising transformations in traditional architectural practices over the colonial period from 1884 to 1975. The Purari, the Orokolo, and the Motu, were Papuan societies whose heritages in architecture and material culture were rich with artistic and meaningful forms and expressions. As in many other traditional societies, these productions were holistically bound up in ritual, spiritual cosmologies, and everyday aspects of life that ordinarily ensured their continued reproduction. Colonialism never expected Papuans to, nor did it satisfactorily conceive of them becoming town dwellers, but, by 1975 a majority from all three societies were anonymous members of the modern urban milieu of the capital Port Moresby. Many of the Purari and Orokolo, having left their homelands, were in austere squatter settlements. None of the groups had built their traditional architecture for decades, neither had they performed their elaborate dramas and rituals that involved the production of accompanying spectacular paraphernalia. The case studies reconstruct conditions in three traditional societies, and in the emergent colony, and sequentially reconstruct conditions of transitionary and transforming states through which all groups proceeded as the processes of colonialism and modernisation unfolded. Standardised for objective comparisons, the reconstructions aim to reveal things that were important to both the traditional societies, and to the colonial communities. They enable estimates to be made of the value that was attached through the allocation of resources, and through communal commitments, to the social and cultural production of architecture. Architectural reflections thereafter are used to illuminate many facets of the active, surrounding, and wider contexts of colonialism. The study then examines how architecture at times appears as a modern agent for change, or otherwise as an outcome of already enacted transformations. Further aspects of cultural and social forces that operated on both the traditional and the colonial societies thereby become evident and amenable to analysis. Evidence from colonial sources is examined further using techniques inspired by Foucault but developed by Rabinow to describe the development of modern French society, which he shows was also influenced by colonial experiences. The study examines the characteristics of modernity, and its processes and preoccupations, as these impacted on the transformation of the traditional in Papua. From the interrogation of such material it aims to illuminate attitudes and assumptions that have influenced transactions between the traditional and colonial societies during this period of modernisation. Successes in modernisation, development, and nation building represented considerable colonial achievements culminating in independent nationhood in Papua New Guinea. Rapid widespread development occurred after the Second World War, and democratic national institutions were put in place with little strife, and without bloody struggles. Nevertheless the architectural and other evidence points to some significant cultural oversights, insensitivities, and transgressions that tarnish well-intentioned colonial aims, and the claims and images of success. It is poignant that significant attitudes and assumptions of colonialism uncovered in the study appear once again to threaten other's different traditional cultural productions in parts of the world.
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ItemThe architectural profession in Melbourne 1835 to 1860( 1965)As the traveller of 1835 rounded the last bend in the Yarra to glimpse the little settlement at Melbourne, his thoughts could hardly have turned to the cities of his homeland. Yet within twenty five years, its original thirteen buildings were to be obliterated in a building expansion unprecedented in Colonial history. Within this period, over one hundred architects came to Melbourne, some to stay, others to remain only briefly. The lure of gold enticed some, others, despairing of success in the overcrowded English profession, came as squatters, as architects, as speculators, some were tradesmen, engineers, surveyors. From this diverse assemblage came the designs for the more important buildings of the city. (From introduction)
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ItemThe modern house in Melbourne, 1945-1975( 1992)This dissertation reveals the method by which architects in Melbourne have designed the single family house in the period 1945 - 1975 and thus extends Robin Boyd's attempt in 1947 to describe a regional architectural manner for the state of Victoria. Critical to the study is an initial outline of a local tradition of condoned eclecticism in 1930s domestic architecture and the presence of an evolving housing stock that was mixed rather than predominantly that of the single family house. Modernism in 1930s Melbourne architecture is found to be part of a compositional tradition rather than emerging from ideological imperatives. Robin Boyd’s idea of a so-called Victorian Type is also found to be part of this compositional tradition. The study then examines the suppressive effect of World War 2 on this tradition and its eventual re-emergence during the ensuing three decades. The circumstances which encouraged the adoption of the language of modern architecture and its subsequent effects are examined via prevailing architectural themes. These include: the post-war Victorian Type; structural experiment; geometry; the influence of the East Coast Bauhaus and Frank Lloyd Wright; the continuing idiosyncratic assimilation and reformulation process (albeit under the guise of the Modern Movement) which described the modern house in Melbourne of the 1950s and 1960s; the renewed interest in texture, exposed materials and compartmented planning in the 1960s; and the eventual re-emergence of artifice in the composition of space, form and detail and a renewed variety and intricacy in choice of texture and materials. The three decades are shown to reveal a complex tradition in Melbourne domestic architecture concealed by the moral, aesthetic and industrial imperatives of the Modern Movement, the effects of World War 2 and subsequent shortages of materials and labour. This tradition is found to be an assimilation and reformulation of local and overseas sources into a distinctly regional domestic architecture based on Arts and Crafts ideals of honesty of structure and texture and has been perpetuated by the continued idealization of the single family detached house. Appendices relate to each chapter and describe: the use of period styles in the 1930s; the changing notion of house as commodity via the speculative house builder and the public housing authority; the machine made-house and the handmade house as circumstantial choices after World War 2; pre-war dreams of a modern Melbourne house as read through the architectural competition, and the changing image of the exhibition house in the 1950s. Four papers also examine the development of post-war domestic architecture in the United States (1945-1960) and Great Britain (1952-1969). The methodology of this dissertation has involved documentation, description and analysis. The study is inclusive and its framework has been deliberately broad to depict the era's previously undiscussed complexity and hence enable a more accurate portrayal of the period than previous selective histories have allowed.
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ItemA Carlton block - Barry, Grattan, Berkeley, Pelham Streets( 1967)In writing this report I have come to realise the urgent need for a change in attitude to architectural history. Two examples on the block and one in South Melbourne should illustrate this -Town Planning Which allows a factory (Meteor Press, Barry Street) to punch through and destroy the residential environment of a street of century old buildings facing a park whose charm lies in its spreading elms.135 Barry street, Carlton (before alteration 1960 by Douglas C. Shannon A.R.A.I.A.) was probably the most attractive house on the block - its fate is a grim reminder of the community’s attitude.20 Rhoden Street, North Melbourne, a terrace of 3houses was visited in order to compare its carriageway arch with that of 131-135 Barry Street, Carlton. It was found that verandah roofs of the 3 houses had been demolished and under construction of the 10’ depth from boundary to front wall of the houses were a substation, store and office respectively.
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ItemHousing rehabilitation: 2 areas in Carlton, case study( 1973-11)A concept of measuring ‘significant events’ was used to rate the progress of rehabilitation activity. The rehabilitation of a house was said to be by a series of separate decisions by individual owners to gradually or in one or two major stages improve the condition of the house. Each decision which raises the standard of the house was called a ‘significant event’. Typical events measured were new kitchen, internal bathroom, rewiring the house etc. All data recorded from the various authorities was related to these significant events. When the houses were inspected a score was given for each of the significant events and the rehabilitation rating determined by the total score for that property. To test the reliability of the Rehabilitation Indicators used in this study the results have been expressed as two separate percentages. In the first, the number of successful indications by each of the Rehabilitation Indicators is expressed as a percentage of the total number of houses in each Rehabilitation Rating. In the second, I have expressed the total number of houses correctly indicated by that Rehabilitation Indicator as either of full, partial or in progress Rehabilitation Rating as a percentage of the total number of houses indicated by that same data source. The most reliable Rehabilitation Indicator would be one that scores the highest in both of these two percentage calculations. The result of the study is that no one Rehabilitation Indicator is a reliable indicator of rehabilitation activity. Preliminary examination of a grouping of two or more Indicators has shown similar results. However, the complexity of analysing results for different groupings of Indicators has prevented any firm conclusions to be reached at this stage. For the two areas selected in Carlton, an analysis of rehabilitation activity has produced a few tentative conclusions. Area B in Carlton because of the continuous threat of Housing Commission acquisition during the 1960’s has a smaller percentage of houses rehabilitated. Canning Street in Area A has shown a fairly high rehabilitation activity with 24.2% of houses given a full Rehabilitation Rating and 15.2% given a partial Rehabilitation Rating while Sutton/Earl Streets in the same area shows a high 21% of houses in the process of being rehabilitated. This result is particularly interesting because Sutton/Earl Streets contain mostly small houses on small lots which in 1937 the Housing Investigation and Slum Abolition Board had called ‘slum’ housing (See Section 3.02). There is no preference for particular property types. Larger houses were initially popular but at the time of the study a large number of smaller houses were in the process of being renovated. A trend which has not shown itself fully in the results is an increased number of ‘cosmetic’ renovations to tenanted houses. This usually involves painting the whole house out (white) with white or similar trendy exterior colour, fitting a H.W.S. and clearing up the backyard, perhaps demolishing a few sheds at the same time. These properties can then earn significantly higher rents to make the ‘cosmetic’ renovation very profitable to the owner. Other conclusions are shown in more detail in the Report.
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ItemAlistair Knox : an integrated approach to landscape + architecture( 2005-11)This project examines the contribution of Alistair Knox (1912-1986) to the development of an integrated approach to built form in the Australian landscape. Knox is renowned for his environmental building work in the Eltham area of Victoria during the second half of the twentieth century. This work responded to a unique set of circumstances involving postwar shortages of building materials, the prior history of earth building in the region, the existence and tradition of artistic communities challenging conventional practices, and the search for an appropriate landscape and architectural response to Australian conditions. Knox contributed articles to newspapers and magazines, gave numerous speeches and wrote three books, which describe his environmental building philosophy and the Eltham community. The organic architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright and Walter Burley Griffin are considered as possible influences on the development of Knox’s integrated architecture and landscape approach, along with the landscape qualities of Eltham, and the unique artistic community living there. The work of Knox is also considered against the Australian post World War 2 climate of change, characterised by a growing appreciation of Australian plants and concern for the environment. This research comprised a content analysis of the three books written by Knox to distinguish his influences, values and philosophies. The implications of these findings are discussed in relation to Knox’s impact on the development of an Australian landscape design ethos.
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ItemSt. Luke's Church of England, North Fitzroy and St. Mark's Church of England, Fitzroy( 1967)To establish a physical history of St. Mark’s Church, its school, and its evangelist works. To establish a physical history of St. Luke’s Church and its school(s).To gain an overall background of the Churches and the people connected with them.
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ItemLand subdivision of Fitzroy( 1968)In this report I have attempted to establish the land subdivision and building settlement in the Fitzroy area (Victoria Parade end). [For complete introduction open document]
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ItemBalconies in North Fitzroy( 1968)This essay attempts to examine North Fitzroy, by the use of selected examples, as an area containing common usage of the balcony. Most of the evidence was gained by observation of the buildings themselves, and to corroborate a number of photographs have been included.